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A TRAVELLER'S NARRATIVE
WRITTEN TO ILLUSTRATE
THE EPISODE OF THE BÁB
[p. 1] Touching the individual known as the
Báb and the true nature of this sect diverse tales are on the tongues and in
the mouths of men, and various accounts are contained in the pages of Persian
history and the leaves of European chronicles
1. But
because of the variety of their assertions and the diversity of their narratives not
one is as worthy of confidence as it should be. Some have loosed their tongues in
extreme censure and condemnation; some foreign chronicles have spoken in a
commendatory strain; while a certain section have recorded what they themselves
have heard without addressing themselves either to censure or approbation.
1 See Note A at
end.
[page 2]
[p. 2] Now since these various accounts are
recorded in other pages, and since the setting forth thereof would lead to prolixity,
therefore what relates to the history of this matter (sought out with the utmost
diligence during the time of my travels in all parts of Persia, whether far or
near, from those without and those within, from friends and strangers), and that
whereon the disputants are agreed, shall be briefly set forth in writing, so that a
summary of the facts of the case may be at the disposal of those who are athirst
after the fountain of knowledge and who seek to become acquainted with all events.
The Báb was a young merchant of the Pure
Lineage
1. He was born in the year one thousand two
hundred and thirty-five [A. H.] on the first day of
Mu
harram
2, and when after a few years his
father Seyyid Mu
hammad Rizá died, he was brought up in [p. 3.]
Shíráz in the arms of his maternal uncle Mírzá
Seyyid 'Alí
3 the merchant. On attaining
maturity he engaged in trade in Bushire, first in partnership with his maternal
uncle and afterwards independently. On account of what was observed in him he
was noted for godliness, devoutness, virtue, and piety, and was regarded in the
sight of men as so characterized.
1 i.e. a Seyyid, or descendant
of the family of the Prophet.
2 October 20th, 1819 A.D. Cf. B. ii,
p. 993; and B. i, p. 517-511.
3 See Note B at end.
[page 3]
In the year one thousand two hundred and sixty [A.
H.], when he was in his twenty-fifth year
1, certain
signs became apparent in his conduct, behaviour, manners, and demeanour
whereby it became evident in Shíráz that he had some conflict in
his mind and some other flight beneath his wing. He began to speak and to declare
the rank of Báb-hood. Now what he intended by the term
Báb2 [Gate] was this, that he was the
channel of grace from some great [p. 4.] Person still behind the veil of glory, who
was the possessor of countless and boundless perfections, by whose will he moved,
and to the bond of whose love he clung. And in the first book which he wrote in
explanation of the
Súra of Joseph3, he
addressed himself in all passages to that Person unseen from whom he received
help and grace, sought for aid in the arrangement of His preliminaries, and craved
the sacrifice of life in the way of his love.
Amongst others is this sentence: '
O Remnant of
God4,
I am wholly sacrificed to Thee; I am
content
1 Jamádí-ul-Úlá 5th, 1260 A.H. (May 23rd, 1844 A.D.), is the date given by
the Báb himself in the Persian Beyán as that whereon his
mission commenced. The texts referred to will be found quoted in Note C at end. Cf.
also B. i, pp. 507-508.
2 See Note D at end.
3 Kur'an xii. See Gobineau,
pp. 146-147; Rosen MSS. Arabes, pp. 179-191; B. ii, pp. 904-909.
4 See Kazem-Beg ii, p. 486 and
note.
[page 4]
with curses in Thy way; I crave nought but to be slain in Thy love; and God the
Supreme sufficeth as an Eternal Protection.'
He likewise composed a number of works in
explanation and elucidation of the verses of the [p. 5.]
Kur'án, of
sermons, and of prayers in Arabic; inciting and urging men to expect the
appearance of that Person; and these books he named 'Inspired Pages' and 'Word of
Conscience.' But on investigation it was discovered that he laid no claim to
revelation from an angel.
Now since he was noted amongst the people for lack
of instruction and education, this circumstance appeared in the sight of men
supernatural. Some men inclined to him, but the greater part manifested strong
disapproval; whilst all the learned doctors and lawyers of repute who occupied
chairs, altars, and pulpits were unanimously agreed on eradication and
suppression, save some divines of the
Sheykhí
1 party who were anchorites and
recluses, and who, agreeably to their tenets, were ever seeking for some great,
incomparable, and trustworthy person, [p. 6.] whom they accounted, according to
their own terminology, as the '
Fourth
Support'
2 and the central
1 See Gobineau, pp. 30-32;
Kazem-Beg, pp. 457-464; B. ii, pp. 884-885 and pp. 888-892; and Note E at
end.
2 See Note E at end.
[page 5]
manifestation of the truths of the Perspicuous
Religion
1.
Of this number Mullá
Huseyn of
Bushraweyh, Mírzá A
hmad of Azghand, Mullá
Sádi
k '
Mukaddas' ['the Holy'], Sheykh
Abú Turáb of Ashtahárd, Mullá Yúsuf of
Ardabíl, Mullá Jalíl of Urúmiyya, Mullá
Mahdí of Kand, Sheykh Sa'íd the Indian, Mullá 'Alí of
Bis
tám, and the like of these came out unto him and spread
themselves through all parts of Persia
2.
The Báb himself set out to perform the
circumambulation of the House of God
3. On his
return, when the news of his arrival at Bushire reached Shíráz,
there was much discussion, and a strange excitement and agitation became
apparent in that city. [p. 7.] The great majority of the doctors set themselves to
repudiate him, decreeing slaughter and destruction, and they induced
Huseyn Khán
Ajúdán-báshí,
who was the governor of Fárs, to inflict a beating on the Báb's
missionaries, that is on Mullá
Sádi
k
'
Mukaddas'; then, having burnt his moustaches and beard together
with those of Mírzá Mu
hammad 'Alí of
Bárfurúsh and Mullá 'Alí Akbar of Ardistán,
1 i.e. the religion of
Islám.
2 For a further account of some of
these persons see Note F at end.
3 i.e. the pilgrimage to Mecca. See
Kazem-Beg i, p. 344 and note; and also Note G at end.
[page 6]
they put halters on all the three and led them round the streets and bazaars.
Now since the doctors of Persia have no
administrative capacity, they thought that violence and interference would cause
extinction and silence and lead to suppression and oblivion; whereas interference
in matters of conscience causes stability and firmness and attracts the attention of
men's sight and souls; which fact has received experimental proof many times and
often. So this punishment caused notoriety, [p. 8.] and most men fell to making
enquiry.
The governor of Fárs, acting according to
that which the doctors deemed expedient, sent several
horsemen
1, caused the Báb to be brought
before him, censured and blamed him in the presence of the doctors and scholars,
and loosed his tongue in the demand for reparation. And when the Báb
returned his censure and withstood him greatly, at a sign from the president they
struck him a violent blow, insulting and contemning [sic] him, in such wise that
his turban fell from his head and the mark of the blow was apparent on his face. At
the conclusion of the meeting they decided to take counsel, and, on receiving bail
and surety from His maternal uncle Hájí Seyyid 'Alí, sent
him to his house forbidding him to hold intercourse with relations or
strangers.
1 See Note G at end, and
Kazem-Beg i, pp. 346-348.
[page 7]
One day they summoned him to the mosque urging
and constraining him to recant, but he discoursed from the pulpit in such wise as
to silence and subdue those present and to stablish and [p. 9.] strengthen his
followers. It was then supposed that he claimed to be the medium of grace from his
Highness the Lord of the Age
1 (upon him be peace);
but afterwards it became known and evident that his meaning was the Gate-hood
[
Bábiyyat] of another city and the mediumship of the graces of
another person whose qualities and attributes were contained in his books and
treatises.
At all events, as has been mentioned, by reason of
the doctors' lack of experience and skill in administrative science, and the
continual succession of their decisions, comment was rife; and their interference
with the Báb cast a clamour throughout Persia, causing increased ardour
in friends and the coming forward of the hesitating. For by reason of these
occurrences men's interest increased, and in all parts of Persia some [of God's]
servants inclined [p. 10.] toward him, until the matter acquired such importance
that the late king Mu
hammad Sháh delegated a certain person named
Seyyid Ya
hyá of
Dáráb
2, who was one of the best
known of doctors and Seyyids as well as an object of veneration and con-
1 See Kazem-Beg i, p. 345
and note.
2 See Note H at end.
[page 8]
fidence, giving him a horse and money for the journey so that he might proceed to
Shíráz and personally investigate this matter.
When the above-mentioned Seyyid arrived at
Shíráz he interviewed the Báb three times. In the first and
second conferences questioning and answering took place; in the third conference
he requested a commentary on the Súra called
Kawthar1, and when the Báb, without
thought or reflection, wrote an elaborate commentary on the
Kawthar in
his presence, the above-mentioned Seyyid was charmed and enraptured with him,
and straightway, without consideration for the future or anxiety about the results
of this affection, hastened to Burújird to [p. 11.] his father Seyyid Ja'far,
known as
Kashfí, and acquainted him with the matter. And, although
he was wise and prudent and was wont to have regard to the requirements of the
time, he wrote without fear or care a detailed account of his observations to
Mírzá Lu
tf 'Alí the chamberlain in order that the
latter might submit it to the notice of the late king, while he himself journeyed to
all parts of Persia, and in every town and station summoned the people from the
pulpit-tops in such wise that other learned doctors decided that he must be mad,
accounting it a sure case of bewitchment.
1 Kur'án,
cviii.
[page 9]
Now when the news of the decisions of the doctors
and the outcry and clamour of the lawyers reached Zanján, Mullá
Mu
hammad 'Alí the divine
1, who was
a man of mark possessed of penetrating speech, sent one of those on whom he could
rely to Shíráz to [p. 12.] investigate this matter. This person,
having acquainted himself with the details of these occurrences in such wise as
was necessary and proper, returned with some [of the Báb's] writings.
When the divine heard how matters were and had made himself acquainted with the
writings, notwithstanding that he was a man expert in knowledge and noted for
profound research, he went mad and became crazed as was predestined: he gathered
up his books in the lecture-room saying, "The season of spring and wine has
arrived," and uttered this sentence:- "
Search for knowledge after reaching the
known is culpable." Then from the summit of the pulpit he summoned and
directed all his disciples [to embrace the doctrine], and wrote to the Báb
his own declaration and confession.
The Báb in his reply signified to him the
obligation of congregational prayer.
Although the doctors of Zanján arose with
heart [p. 13.] and soul to exhort and admonish the people they could effect nothing.
Finally they were compelled to
1 Full accounts of this
remarkable man will be found in Gobineau (pp. 233-252) and Kazem-Beg ii (pp.
198-224).
[page 10]
go to Teherán and made their complaint before the late king
Mu
hammad Sháh, requesting that Mullá Mu
hammad
'Alí might be summoned to Teherán. So the royal order went forth
that he should appear.
Now when he came to Teherán they brought
him before a conclave of the doctors; but, so they relate, after many controversies
and disputations naught was effected with him in that assembly. The late king
therefore bestowed on him a staff and fifty
túmáns1 for his expenses, and
gave him permission to return.
At all events, this news being disseminated
through all parts and regions of Persia, and several proselytes [p. 14.] arriving
in Fárs, the doctors perceived that the matter had acquired importance,
that the power to deal with it had escaped from their hands, and that
imprisonment, beating, tormenting, and contumely were fruitless. So they
signified to the governor of Fárs,
Huseyn Khán, "If thou
desirest the extinction of this fire, or seekest a firm stopper for this rent and
disruption, an immediate cure and decisive remedy is to kill the Báb. And
the Báb has assembled a great host and meditates a rising."
So
Huseyn Khán ordered 'Abdu'l-
Hamíd Khán the high constable to attack the house of the
Báb's
1 At the present time this
would be equivalent to about £15, but at the time referred to it would be
considerably more - probably more than £20.
[page 11]
maternal uncle at midnight on all sides, and to bring him and all his followers
hand-cuffed. But 'Abdu'l-
hamíd Khán and his hosts found no
one in the house save the Báb, his maternal uncle, and Seyyid
Kázim of Zanján; and as it chanced that on that night the [p. 15.]
sickness of the plague and the extreme heat of the weather had compelled
Huseyn Khán to flee, he released the Báb on condition of his
quitting the city
1.
On the morning after that night the Báb
with Seyyid Ká
zim of Zanján set out from
Shíráz for Isfahán. Before reaching Isfahán he
wrote a letter to the
Mu'tamadu 'd-Dawla, the governor of the province,
requesting a lodging in some suitable place with the sanction of the government.
The governor appointed the mansion of the Imám-Jum'a. There he abode
forty days; and one day, agreeably to the request of the Imám, he wrote
without reflection a commentary on [the Súra of]
Wa'l-'Asr2 before the company. When this
news reached the
Mu'tamad he sought an interview with him and questioned
him concerning the 'Special Mission.' At that same interview an answer proving
the 'Special Mission' was written
3.
[p. 16.] The
Mu'tamid then gave orders that
all the doctors should assemble and dispute with him in one
1 See Note I at end.
2 Kur'án, ciii.
3 See Note I at end.
[page 12]
conclave, and that the discussion should be faithfully recorded without alteration
by the instrumentality of his private secretary, in order that it might be sent to
Teherán, and that whatever the royal edict and decree should ordain might
be carried out.
The doctors, however, considering this
arrangement as a weakening of the Law, did not agree, but held a conclave and
wrote, "If there be doubt in the matter there is need of assembly and discussion,
but as this person's disagreement with the most luminous Law is clearer than the
sun therefore the best possible thing is to put in practice the sentence of the Law."
The
Mu'tamad then desired to hold the
assembled conference in his own presence so that the actual truth might be
disclosed and hearts be at peace, but these learned doctors and honourable
scholars, [p. 17.] unwilling to bring the Perspicuous Law into contempt, did not
approve discussion and controversy with a young merchant, with the exception of
that most erudite sage Á
ká Mu
hammad
Mahdí, and that eminent Platonist Mírzá
Hasan of
Núr
1. So the conference terminated in
questionings on certain points relating to the science of fundamental dogma, and
the elucidation and analysis of the doctrines of Mullá
Sadrá
2 So, as no conclusion was
arrived at
1 Múrché-Khúr is the second stage out from Isfahán on the north road, and is
distant about 35 miles therefrom.
2 For some account of this great
philosopher see Gobineau, pp. 80-90, and Note K at end.
[page 13]
by the governor from this conference, the severe sentence and harsh decision of
the learned doctors was not carried out; but, anxious to abate the great anxiety
quickly and prevent a public tumult effectually, he gave currency to a report that
a decree had been issued ordering the Báb to be sent to Teherán in
order that some decisive settlement might be arrived at, or that some courageous
divine might be able to confute [him].
[p. 18.] He accordingly sent him forth from
Isfahán with a company of his own mounted body-guard; but when they
reached Múrché-Khúr
1 he
gave secret orders for his return to Isfahán, where he afforded him a
refuge and asylum in his own roofed private
quarters
2; and not a soul save the confidential and
trusty dependents of the
Mu'tamad knew aught of the Báb.
A period of four months passed in this fashion, and
the
Mu'tamad passed away to the mercy of God. Gurgín Khán,
the
Mu'tamad's nephew, was aware of the Báb's being in the private
apartments, and represented the matter to the Prime Minister.
Hájí Mírzá Á
kásí,
that celebrated minister, issued a decisive
1 See Note J at end.
2 The building to which the
Báb was thus transferred is called in the Táríkh-i-Jadíd 'the Royal Building of the Sun' (~~~). In the Persian Beyán (Váhid
ii, ch. 16) the Báb alludes to his dwelling-place at Isfahán
under the name of ~~~.
[page 14]
command and gave instructions that they should send the Báb secretly in
disguise under the escort of Nu
seyrí
1
horsemen to the capital.
[p. 19.] When he reached Kinár-i-gird
2 a fresh order came from the Prime Minister
appointing the village of Kalín
3 as an abode
and dwelling-place. There he remained for a period of twenty days. After that, the
Báb forwarded a letter to the Royal Presence craving audience to set forth
the truth of his condition, expecting this to be a means for the attainment of great
advantages. The Prime Minister did not admit this, and made representation to the
Royal Presence:- "The royal cavalcade is on the point of starting, and to engage in
such matters as the present
1 The Nuseyrí
religion is prevalent amongst many of the ílyát or
wandering tribes of Persia. An interesting account of the secret doctrines and
practices of this sect by one Suleymán Efendí al-Adhaní,
who had withdrawn himself from it subsequently to his initiation, has been
published at Beyrout under the title of [one line of Persian/Arabic script].
A very comprehensive account of this work by E. E. Salisbury may be found in the
Journal of the American Oriental Society for 1866 (vol. viii, pp. 227-308). See
also de Sacy's Exposé de la Religion des Druzes, vol. ii, pp. 559-586.
2 A station on the old Isfahán
road (now abandoned for one more towards the west) distant about 28 miles from
Teherán.
3 "Nom de la première station que
rencontre le voyageur en allant de Rey ˆ Khowar." Barbier de Meynard,
Dictionaire Géog. Hist. et Litt de la Perse (Paris,
1861).
[page 15]
will conduce to the disruption of the kingdom. Neither is there any doubt that the
most notable doctors of the capital also will behave after the fashion of the doctors
of Isfahán, which thing will be the cause of a popular outbreak, or that,
according to [p. 20.] the religion of the immaculate Imám, they will
regard the blood of this Seyyid as of no account, yea, as more lawful than mother's
milk. The imperial train is prepared for travel, neither is there hindrance or
impediment in view. There is no doubt that the presence of the Báb will be
the cause of the gravest trouble and the greatest mischief. Therefore, on the spur
of the moment, the wisest plan is this:- to place this person in the Castle of
Mákú during the period of absence of the royal train from the seat
of the imperial throne, and to defer the obtaining of an audience to the time of
return."
Agreeably to this view a letter was issued
addressed to the Báb in his Majesty's own writing, and, according to the
traditional account of the tenour of this letter, the epitome thereof is this:-
(After the titles). "Since the royal train is on [p.
21.] the verge of departure from Teherán, to meet in a befitting manner is
impossible. Do you go to Mákú and there abide and rest for a while,
engaged in praying for our victorious state; and we have arranged that under all
circumstances they shall shew
[page 16]
you attention and respect. When we return from travel we will summon you
specially."
After this they sent him off with several mounted
guards (amongst them Mu
hammad Beg, the courier) to Tabríz and
Mákú
1.
Besides this the followers of the Báb
recount certain messages conveyed [from him] by the instrumentality of
Mu
hammad Beg (amongst which was a promise to heal the foot of the late
king, but on condition of an interview, and the suppression of the tyranny of the
majority), and the Prime Minister's prevention of the conveyance of these letters
to the Royal Presence. For he himself laid claim to be a spiritual guide and was
prepared to perform [p. 22.] the functions of religious directorship. But others
deny these accounts.
At all events in the course of the journey he wrote
a letter to the Prime Minister saying, "You summoned me from Isfahán to
meet the doctors and for the attainment of a decisive settlement. What has
happened now that this excellent intention has been changed for
Mákú and Tabríz?"
Although he remained forty days in the city of
Tabríz the learned doctors did not condescend to approach him and did not
deem it right to meet him. Then they sent him off to the Castle of
Mákú, and for nine months lodged him in the inaccessible castle
1 See Note L at end.
[page 17]
which is situated on the summit of that lofty mountain. And 'Alí
Khán of Mákú
1, because of his
excessive love for the family of the Prophet, paid him such attention as was
possible, and gave permission [to some persons] to converse with him.
[p. 23.] Now when the accomplished divines of
Ázarbaiján perceived that in all the parts round about
Tabríz it was as though the last day had come by reason of the excessive
clamour, they requested the government to punish the [Báb's] followers,
and to remove the Báb to the Castle of Chihrí
k. So they sent
him to that castle and consigned him to the keeping of Ya
hyá
Khán the Kurd[footnote 1].
Glory be to God! Notwithstanding these decisions of
great doctors and reverend lawyers, and severe punishments and reprimands -
beatings, banishments, and imprisonments - on the part of governors, this sect
was daily on the increase, and the discussion and disputation was such that in
meetings and assemblies in all parts of Persia there was no conversation but on
this topic. Great was the commotion which arose: the doctors of the Perspicuous
Religion [p. 24.] were lamenting, the common folk clamorous and agitated, and the
Friends rejoicing and applauding.
But the Báb himself attached no
importance to this uproar and tumult, and, alike on the road and in the castles of
Mákú and Chihrí
k, evening and
1 See Note L at
end.
[page 18]
morning, nay, day and night, in extremest rapture and amazement, he would
restrict himself to repeating and meditating on the qualities and attributes of that
absent-yet-present, regarded-and-regarding Person of
his
1. Thus he makes a mention of him whereof this is
the purport:-
"Though the ocean of woe rageth on every side, and
the bolts of fate follow in quick succession, and the darkness of griefs and
afflictions invade soul and body, yet is my heart brightened by the remembrance
of Thy countenance and my soul is as a rose-garden from the perfume of Thy
nature."
In short, after he had remained for three months
in the Castle of Chihrí
k, the eminent doctors of [p. 25.]
Tabríz and scholars of Ázarbaiján wrote to Teherán
and demanded a severe punishment in regard to the Báb for the
intimidation and frightening of the people. When the Prime Minister
Hájí Mírzá Á
kásí
beheld the ferment and clamour of the learned doctors in all districts of Persia, he
perforce became their accomplice and ordered him to be brought from
Chihrí
k to
1 As I have pointed out in
another place (B. ii, pp. 924-927), one of the most striking features of the
Persian Beyán, composed by the Báb during his imprisonment at
Mákú (which he repeatedly alludes to as 'the mountain of
M'~~~), is the continual
reference to 'Him whom God shall manifest' (~~~), whose precursor the Báb considered himself to be.
The work translated by Gobineau (op. cit. p. 461 et seq.) under the
title of Livre des Préceptes also affords ample evidence of
this.
[page 19]
Tabríz. In the course of his transit by Urúmiyya the governor of
the district
kásim Mírzá treated him with
extraordinary deference, and a strange flocking together of high and low was
apparent. These conducted themselves with the utmost
respectfulness
1.
When the Báb reached Tabríz they
brought him after some days before the government tribunal. Of the learned
doctors the Ni
zámu 'l-'Ulamá, Mullá
Mu
hammad Mámá
kání,
Mírzá A
hmad the Imám-
1 Dr Wright of the American
Mission at Urúmiyya wrote a brief account of the Báb and his sect
which was communicated by Mr Perkins to the German Oriental Society and
published in their transactions for the year 1851. This account, dated March
31st, 1851, fully confirms the statement here made. After describing briefly the
rise of the sect, the arrest of the Báb, his imprisonment at
Mákú (... "a remote district six days' journey from
Urúmiyya situated on the Turkish frontier"), his transference to
Chihrík (... "near Salmás, only two days' journey from
Urúmiyya"), and the conflicts between the Bábís and the
orthodox party, especially in Mázandarán, he says:- "Die Sache
wurde so ernsthaft, dass die Regierung den Befehl erliess, den Sectenstifter nach
Tabrîz zu bringen und ihm die Bastonade zu geben, seine Schüler aber
überall, wo man sie fände, aufzugreifen und mit Geld- und
Körperstrafen zu belegen. Auf dem Wege nach Tabrîz wurde
Bâb nach Orumia gebracht, wo ihn der Statthalter mit besonderer
Aufmerksamkeit behandelte und viele Personen die Erlaubniss erhielten, ihn zu
besuchen. Bei einer Gelegenheit war eine Menge Leute bei ihm, und wie der
Statthalter nachher bemerkte, waren diese alle geheimnissvoll bewegt und
brachen in Thränen aus." (Zeitschrift der Deutschen
Morgenländischen Gesellschaft, vol. v, pp. 384-385.)
[page 20]
[p. 26.] Jum'a, Mírzá 'Alí A
sghar the Sheykhu 'l-Islám, and several other divines were
present
1. They asked concerning the claims of the
Báb. He advanced the claim of Mahdí-hood; whereon a mighty
tumult arose. Eminent doctors in overwhelming might compassed him on all sides,
and such was the onset of orthodoxy that it had been no great wonder if a mere
youth had not withstood the mountain of Elburz. They demanded proof. Without
hesitation he recited texts, saying, "This is the permanent and most mighty proof."
They criticised his grammar. He adduced arguments from the
Kur'án, setting forth therefrom instances of similar infractions of
the rules of grammar. So the assembly broke up and the Báb returned to
his own dwelling.
The heaven-cradled Crown-Prince
2 was at that [p. 27.] time governor of
Ázarbaiján. He pronounced no sentence with regard to the
Báb, nor did he desire to interfere with him. The doctors, however,
considered it advisable at least to inflict a severe chastisement, and beating was
decided on. But none of the corps of
farráshes3 would agree to become the
instruments of the infliction of this punishment. So Mírzá
'Alí A
sghar the Sheykhu 'l-Islám, who was one of the
1 See Note M at end.
2 Násiru'd-Dín, the present king of Persia.
3 The farrásh
(literally carpet-spreader) is the lictor of the East.
[page 21]
noble Seyyids, brought him to his own house and applied the rods with his own
hand. After this they sent the Báb back to Chihrí
k and
subjected him to a strict confinement.
Now when the news of this beating, chastisement,
imprisonment, and rigour reached all parts of Persia, learned divines and
esteemed lawyers who were possessed of power and influence girt up the loins of
endeavour for the eradication and suppression of this sect, exerting their utmost
efforts therefor. And [p. 28.] they wrote notice of their decision, to wit "that this
person and his followers are in absolute error and are hurtful to Church and
State." And since the governors in Persia enjoyed the fullest authority, in some
provinces they followed this decision and united in uprooting and dispersing the
Bábís. But the late King Mu
hammad
Sháh
1 acted with deliberation in this matter,
reflecting, "This youth is of the Pure Lineage and of the family of him addressed
with '
were it not for thee2 .' So long as no
offen-
1 For an admirable sketch of
the characters of this monarch and his minister Hájí
Mírzá Ákásí, see Gobineau, pp.
160-166. Concerning the latter see also Watson's History of Persia, p.
288.
2 See note 1 at foot of p. 2. In a very
well-known tradition God is said to have addressed the Prophet Muhammad
as follows:- [half a line of Persian/Arabic script] 'Were it not for thee I
had not created the heavens.' Hence "the family of him addressed with 'were
it not for thee'" means simply the [footnote goes onto page 22]
descendants of the Prophet, amongst whom the Báb, in his capacity of
Seyyid, must be reckoned.
[page 22]
sive actions which are incompatible with the public peace and well-being proceed
from him, the government should not interfere with him." And whenever the
learned doctors appealed to him from the surrounding districts, he either gave no
answer, or else commanded them to act with deliberation.
Notwithstanding this, between eminent doctors [p.
29.] and illustrious scholars and those learned persons who were followers of the
Báb opposition, discussion, and strife did so increase that in some
provinces they desired [to resort to] mutual imprecation; and for the governors of
the provinces, too, a means of acquiring gain was produced, so that great tumult
and disturbance arose. And since the malady of the gout had violently attacked the
king's foot and occupied his world-ordering thought, the good judgment of the Chief
Minister, the famous Háji Mírzá
Á
kásí
1, became the
pivot of the conduct of affairs, and his incapacity and lack of resource became
apparent as the sun. For every hour he formed a new opinion and gave a new order:
at one moment he would seek to support the decision of the doctors, accounting the
eradication and suppression of the Bábís as necessary: at another
time he would charge the [p. 30.] doctors with aggressiveness, regarding undue
inter-
1 See note 1 at foot of
preceding page.
[page 23]
ference as contrary to justice: at another time he would become a mystic and say,
'
All these voices are from the King1,' or
repeat with his tongue, '
Moses is at war with
Moses2,' or recite, '
This is nought but Thy
1 The distich of which this is
the first hemistich is a great favourite with the Súfís. It occurs in
the first book of the Masnavi of Jalálu'd-Dín
Rúmí in the 8th story (Story of the Harper). Different editions
present considerable variants in the first hemistich, and in no one of the four
which I have consulted does it stand as here quoted. In the Bombay edition of A. H.
1290 (p. 50, l. 20), the Teherán edition of A. H. 1299 known as
'Alá'ud-Dawla's (p. 51, l. 4), and a Constantinople edition of the first book
published in A. H. 1288 (p. 77, l. 20) the entire couplet stands as follows:
[one line of Persian/Arabic script]
"Indeed that voice is really from the King
Although [apparently] it is from the throat of 'Abdu 'lláh."
The English reader may consult Redhouse's versified translation of Book i of the
Masnaví, p. 141, first two lines.
2 This quotation is also from the
Masnaví [Teherán edition of 'Alá'ud-Dawla, p. 65, l.
27; Bombay edition, p. 63, l. 16]. The couplet stands in both as follows:-
[one line of Persian/Arabic script]
"When Colourlessness became the captive of colour
A Moses is at war with a Moses."
Redhouse's version will be found on p. 180 of his
work above quoted, first two lines. A complete treatise on the mysticism of the
Súfís might be written on this text, which is pretty fully discussed
in Hájí Mullá Hádí's excellent commentary
on the Masnaví (Teherán edition of A.H. 1285, p. 68 and
also in a marginal note in 'Alá'ud-Dawla's Teherán edition (loc.
cit.). In brief the meaning is this:- that strife and contest [footnote goes
onto page 24] arise from the imprisonment of the One Absolute
Undifferentiated Being ('Colourlessness') in the phantasmal appearances
('colours') of the World of Plurality. So Jámí says at the
close of a very beautiful passage:- [Two lines of Persian/Arabic script]
"All this tumult and strife in the world are from love of Him; It hath become
known at this time that the source of the strife is One."
[page 24]
trial1.' In short this changeable minister, by
reason of his mismanagement of important matters and failure to control and
order the affairs of the community, so acted that disturbance and clamour arose
from all quarters and directions: the most notable and influential of the doctors
ordered the common folk to molest the followers of the Báb, and a general
onslaught took place. More especially when the claim of Mahdí-hood
2 reached the hearing of eminent divines and
profound doctors they began to make lamentation and to cry and complain from
their [p. 31.] pulpits, saying, "one of the essentials of religion and of the
authentic traditions transmitted from the holy Imáms, nay, the chief basis
of the foundations of the church of His Highness
Ja'far
3, is the Occultation
1 Kur'án vii,
154.
2 See note N at end, and p. 20.
3 The Imám Ja'far-i-Sádik, as he is commonly called, was, according to the
Shi'ite faith, the sixth of the twelve Imáms, [footnote goes onto page
25] and succeeded his father, the Imám Muhammad
Bákir, who was the fifth Imám. Why the Shi'ites should
speak of him as in some sort the founder of their church is explained thus in a
work called ~~~ ("Tenets of the
Shi'ites") published in Teherán:- "Since His Holiness [the
Imám Ja'far] lived at the end of the Omayyad and the beginning of the
'Abbásid dynasty and these two families were in conflict with one another,
he tranquilly engaged in expounding the ordinances of God; therefore do men refer
the religion to him, since he gave currency to the true
doctrines."
[page 25]
of the immaculate twelfth Imám (upon both of them be peace). What has
happened to Jábul
ká
1? Where
has Jábulsá gone? What was the Minor Occultation? What has
become of the Major Occultation? What are the sayings of
Huseyn ibn
Rú
h, and what
1 For the explanation of this
and the subsequent points of Shi'ite belief alluded to in this passage see Note O at
end. The general tenour of the argument here put in the mouths of the Shi'ite
doctors is this:- "That certain prodigies and marvellous signs shall usher in the
advent of the Imám Mahdí is an essential doctrine of our faith
sufficiently confirmed and established by authentic traditions. If we believe this,
then we must reject the Báb's claim to be the promised Mahdí,
since these signs have not been witnessed: in which case it behoves us to inflict on
him the severest punishment. If, on the other hand, we admit the Báb's
claim, we thereby renounce our religion and become neither Sunnís nor
Shí'as; unless, indeed, we take the view of the Bábís that
these signs are to be understood metaphorically, that no literal fulfilment of them
is to be looked for, and that to substantiate a claim to Mahdí-hood only two
things are necessary - that the claimant should belong to the family of the
Prophet, and that he should be able to produce revealed verses similar to those in
the Kur'án." Concerning this view of the Bábís see
B. ii, pp. 915-918.
[page 26]
the tradition of Ibn Mihriyár? What shall we make of the flight of the
Guardians and the Helpers? How shall we deal with the conquest of the East and the
West? Where is the Ass of Antichrist? When will the appearance of the
Sofyán be? Where are the signs which are in the traditions of the Holy
Family? Where is that whereon the Victorious Church is agreed? The matter is
not outside one of two alternatives:- either we must repudiate the traditions of [p.
32.] the Holy Imáms, grow wearied of the Church of Ja'far, and account the
clear indications of the Imám as disturbed dreams; or, in accordance with
the primary and subsidiary doctrines of the Faith and the essential and explicit
declarations of the most luminous Law, we must consider the repudiation, nay, the
destruction of this person as our chief duty. If so be that we shut our eyes to these
authentic traditions and obvious doctrines universally admitted, no remnant will
endure of the fundamental basis of the Church of the immaculate Imám: we
shall neither be Sunnites, nor shall we be of the prevalent
sect
1 to continue awaiting the promised Saint and
believing in the begotten Mahdí. Otherwise we must regard as admissible
the opening of the Gate of Saintship, and consider that He Who is to
arise
2 of the family of Mu
hammad possesses
two signs:- the first condition,
1 i.e. of the Shi'ite church
dominant in Persia.
2 i.e. the Imám-Mahdí. See Note O at end.
[page 27]
Holy Lineage; the second, [that he is divinely] fortified with brilliant verses.
What can we do with these thousand-year-old beliefs of the delivered band of [p.
33.] the Shi'ites, or what shall we say concerning their profound doctors and pre-eminent divines? Were all these in error? Did they journey in the vale of
transgression? What an evidently false assertion is this!
By God, this is a thing
to break the back! O people, extinguish this fire and forget these words! Alas!
woe to our Faith, woe to our Law!"
Thus did they make complaint in mosques and
chapels, in pulpits and congregations.
But the Bábí chiefs composed
treatises against them, and set in order replies according to their own
thought
1. Were these to be discussed in detail it
would conduce to prolixity, and our object is the statement of history, not of
arguments for believing or rejecting; but of some of the replies the gist is this:-
that they held the Proof as supreme, and the [p. 34.] evidence as outweighing
traditions, considering the
1 Amongst the controversial
works of the Bábís may be mentioned especially the
~~~ (Seven Proofs) composed by the
Báb himself about the year A.H. 1264-5 (A.D. 1848-49) during his
imprisonment at Mákú, and the ~~~ (Assurance) composed by Behá'u'lláh in
Baghdad in the year A.H. 1278 (A.D. 1861-62). For a brief abstract of the
former see B. ii, pp. 912-918: for specimens of the latter carefully and
judiciously selected see Rosen's MSS. Persans, pp. 32-51, and for some
account of the work see B. ii, pp. 944-948.
[page 28]
former as the root and the latter as the branch, and saying, "If the branch agree
not with the root it serves not as an argument and is unworthy of reliance; for the
reported consequence has no right to oppose itself to the established principle, and
cannot argue against it." Indeed in such cases they regarded interpretation as the
truth of revelation and the essence of true exegesis
1:
thus, for instance, they interpreted the sovereignty of the
Ká'im as a mystical sovereignty, and his conquests as
conquests of the cities of hearts, adducing in support of this the meekness and
defeat of the Chief of Martyrs
2 (may the life of all
being be a sacrifice for him). For he was the true manifestation of the blessed
verse '
And verily our host shall overcome for
them3,' yet, notwithstanding this, he quaffed the
cup of martyrdom with perfect [p. 35.] meekness, and, at the very moment of
uttermost defeat, triumphed over his enemies and became the most mighty of the
troops of the Supreme Host. Similarly they regarded the numerous writings
which, in spite of his lack of education, the Báb had composed, as due to the
promptings of the Holy Spirit; extracted from books contrary sayings handed down
by men of mark; adduced traditions apparently agreeing with their objects; and
clung to the an-
1 See Rosen's MSS.
Persans, p. 36, and B. ii, pp. 915-916.
2 Huseyn, son of 'Alí,
the third Imám.
3 Kur'án xxxvii,
173.
[page 29]
nouncements of certain notables of yore. They also considered the conversion of
austere and recluse doctors and eminent votaries of the Perspicuous Religion [of
Islám] as a valid proof
1, deemed the
steadfastness and constancy of the Báb a most mighty
sign
2, and related miracles and the like; which
things, being altogether foreign to our purpose, we have [p. 36.] passed by with
brevity, and will now proceed with our original topic.
At the time of these events certain persons
appeared amongst the Bábís who had a strange ascendancy and
appearance in the eyes of this sect. Amongst these was Mírzá
Mu
hammad 'Alí of Mázandarán, who was the disciple
of the illustrious Seyyid (may God exalt his station) Hájí Seyyid
Ká
zim of Rasht, and who was the associate and companion of the
Báb in his pilgrimage journey. After a while certain manners and states
issued from him such that all, acting with absolute confidence, considered
obedience to him as an impregnable stronghold, so that even Mullá
Huseyn of Bushraweyh, who was the leader of all and the arbiter appealed
to alike by the noble and the humble of this sect, used to behave in his presence
with great humility and with the self-abasement of a lowly
servant
3.
1 See Rosen's MSS.
Persans, p. 41.
2 Ibid, p. 43.
3 This statement is confirmed by the
Táríkh-i-Jadíd.
[page 30]
This personage set himself to exalt the word of [p.
37.] the Báb with the utmost steadfastness, and the Báb did full
justice to speech in praising and glorifying him, accounting his uprising as an
assistance from the Unseen. In delivery and style
1 he
was '
evident magic,' and in firmness and constancy superior to all. At
length in the year [A.H.] 1265 at the sentence of the chief of lawyers the
Sa'ídu 'l-'Ulamá the chief divine of Bárfurúsh, he
yielded his head and surrendered his life amidst extremest clamour and
outcry
2.
And amongst them was she who was entitled
Kurratu 'l-'Ayn the daughter of Hájí Mullá
Sálih., the sage of
Kazvín, the erudite doctor. She,
according to what is related, was skilled in diverse arts, amazed the
understandings and thoughts of the most eminent masters by her eloquent
dissertations on the exegesis and tradition of the Perspicuous
Book
3, and was a mighty sign in the doctrines of the
glorious Sheykh of A
hsá
4. At the
Supreme Shrines
5[p. 38.] she borrowed light on
matters divine from the lamp
1 Of the writings of
Mullá Muhammad 'Alí (called ~~~ from the title - ~~~ - borne by their author amongst his co-religionists) six
pieces occupying in all 39 pages are contained in a MS. in my possession.
2 See Note P at end.
3 The Kur'án.
4 Sheykh Ahmad
Ahsá'í the founder of the Sheykhí school of theology,
concerning which see Note E at end.
5 Kerbelá and
Nejef.
[page 31]
of Ká
zim
1, and freely sacrificed her
life in the way of the Báb. She discussed and disputed with the doctors and
sages, loosing her tongue to establish her doctrine. Such fame did she acquire that
most people who were scholars or mystics sought to hear her speech and were
eager to become acquainted with her powers of speculation and deduction. She had a
brain full of tumultuous ideas, and thoughts vehement and restless. In many places
she triumphed over the contentious, expounding the most subtle questions. When
she was imprisoned in the house of [Ma
hmúd] the
Kalántar of Teherán
2, and the
festivities and rejoicings of a wedding were going on, the wives of the city
magnates who were present as guests were so charmed [p. 39.] with the beauty of
her speech that, forgetting the festivities, they gathered round her, diverted by
listening to her words from listening to the melodies, and rendered indifferent by
witnessing her marvels to the contemplation of the pleasant and novel sights which
are incidental to a wedding. In short in elocution she was the calamity of the age,
and in ratiocination the trouble of the world. Of fear or timidity there was no trace
in her heart, nor had the admonitions of the kindly-disposed any profit
1 Hájí Seyyid
Kázim of Resht, the pupil and successor of Sheykh Ahmad
and the Teacher of the Báb. See Note E at end.
2 See Gobineau, pp. 292-295;
Kazem-Beg i, p. 522 and note, and ii, p. 249; and Eastwick's Diplomate's
Residence in Persia, vol. i, p. 288-290.
[page 32]
or fruit for her. Although she was of [such as are] damsels [meet] for the bridal
bower, yet she wrested pre-eminence from stalwart men, and continued to strain
the feet of steadfastness until she yielded up her life at the sentence of the mighty
doctors in Teherán. But were we to occupy ourselves with these details the
matter would end in prolixity
1.
Well, Persia was in this critical state and the
learned doctors perplexed and anxious, when the [p. 40.] late Prince
Mu
hammad Sháh died
2, and the throne
of sovereignty was adorned with the person of the new monarch.
Mírzá Ta
kí Khán
Amír-Nizám, who was Prime Minister and Chief Regent, seized in the
grasp of his despotic power the reins of the affairs of the commonwealth, and
urged the steed of his ambition into the arena of wilfulness and sole possession.
This minister was a person devoid of experience and wanting in consideration for
the consequences of actions; bloodthirsty and shameless; and swift and ready to
shed blood
3. Severity in
1 For some further account
of Kurratu'l-'Ayn see Note Q at end.
2 September 4th, 1848. See
Watson's History, p. 354.
3 This is by no means the light in
which Mírzá Takí Khán is regarded by most
historians. See especially the encomiums bestowed on him by Watson (History
of Persia from the beginning of the Nineteenth Century, &ct. p. 364 and p.
404). Compare also Lady Sheil's Diary, pp. 248-253. Yet his cruelty
towards the Báb and his followers goes far to justify their opinion of him,
and at least fully explains the fact that they [footnote goes onto page 33]
regard the cruel fate which befel him at the hands of the king as a signal instance
of Divine vengeance. See Gobineau, p. 253-254.
[page 33]
punishing he regarded as wise administration, and harshly entreating,
distressing, intimidating, and frightening the people he considered as a fulcrum
for the advancement of the monarchy. And as His Majesty the King was in the
prime of youthful years [p. 41.] the minister fell into strange fancies and sounded
the drum of absolutism in [the conduct of] affairs: on his own decisive resolution,
without seeking permission from the Royal Presence or taking counsel with
prudent statesmen, he issued orders to persecute the Bábís,
imagining that by overweening force he could eradicate and suppress matters of
this nature, and that harshness would bear good fruit; whereas [in fact] to
interfere with matters of conscience is simply to give them greater currency and
strength; the more you strive to extinguish the more will the flame be kindled,
more especially in matters of faith and religion, which spread and acquire
influence so soon as blood is shed, and strongly affect men's hearts. These things
have been put to the proof, and the greatest proof is this very transaction. Thus [p.
42.] they relate that the possessions of a certain Bábí in
Káshán were plundered, and his household scattered and dispersed.
They stripped him naked and scourged him, defiled his beard, mounted him face
backwards
[page 34]
on an ass, and paraded him through the streets and bazaars with the utmost
cruelty, to the sound of drums, trumpets, guitars, and tambourines. A certain
guebre
1 who knew absolutely nought of the world or
its denizens chanced to be seated apart in a corner of a caravansaray. When the
clamour of the people rose high he hastened into the street, and, becoming
cognizant of the offence and the offender, and the cause of his public disgrace and
punishment in full detail, he fell to making search, and that very day entered the
society of the Bábís, saying, "This very ill-usage and public
humiliation is a proof of [p. 43.] truth and the very best of arguments. Had it not
been thus it might have been that a thousand years would have passed ere one like
me became informed."
At all events the minister with the utmost
arbitrariness, without receiving any instructions or asking permission, sent
forth commands in all directions to punish and chastise the Bábís.
Governors and magistrates sought a pretext for amassing wealth, and officials a
means of [acquiring] profits; celebrated doctors from the summits of their pulpits
incited men to make a general onslaught; the powers of the
1 It is almost unnecessary to
remark that the word guebre (more correctly gabr) is always used
in a contemptuous if not in an offensive sense. It is never used by the Zoroastrians
in speaking of themselves.
[page 35]
religious and the civil law linked hands and strove to eradicate and destroy this
people.
Now this people had not yet acquired such
knowledge as was right and needful of the fundamental principles and hidden
doctrines of the Báb's teachings, and did not recognise their duties. Their
conceptions and ideas were after the former fashion, and [p. 44.] their conduct and
behaviour in correspondence with ancient usage. The way of approach to the
Báb was, moreover, closed, and the flame of trouble visibly blazing on
every side. At the decree of the most celebrated of the doctors, the government, and
indeed the common people, had, with irresistible power, inaugurated rapine and
plunder on all sides, and were engaged in punishing and torturing, killing and
despoiling, in order that they might quench this fire and wither these [poor]
souls. In towns where these were but a limited number all of them with bound
hands became food for the sword, while in cities where they were numerous they
arose in self-defence agreeably to their former beliefs, since it was impossible
for them to make enquiry as to their duty, and all doors were closed.
[p. 45.] In Mázandarán amongst
other places the people of the city of Bárfurúsh at the command of
the chief of lawyers the Sa'ídu'l-'Ulamá made a general attack on
Mullá
Huseyn of Bushraweyh and his followers, and slew six or
seven persons. They were busy compassing
[page 36]
the destruction of the rest also when Mullá
Huseyn ordered the
azán1 to be sounded and stretched forth
his hand to the sword, whereupon all sought flight, and the nobles and lords coming
before him with the utmost penitence and deference agreed that he should be
permitted to depart. They further sent with them as a guard Khusraw of
Kádí-kalá with horsemen and footmen, so that,
according to the terms of the agreement, they might go forth safe and protected
from the territory of Mázandarán. When they, being ignorant of the
fords and paths, had emerged from the city, Khusraw dispersed his horsemen and
footmen and set them in ambush in the [p. 46.] forest of
Mázandarán, scattered and separated the Bábís in
that forest on the road and off the road, and began to hunt them down singly. When
the reports of muskets arose on every side the hidden secret became manifest, and
several wanderers and other persons were suddenly slain with bullets.
Mullá
Huseyn ordered the
a
zán
1
to be sounded to assemble his scattered followers, while Mírzá
Lu
tf-'Alí
2 the secretary drew his
dagger and ripped open Khusraw's vitals. Of Khusraw's host some were slain and
others wandered distractedly over the field
1 The call to prayer.
2 According to the
Táríkh-i-Jadíd it was a Bábí named
Mírzá Muhammad Takí who, exasperated by
Khusraw's insolences towards Mullá Huseyn slew the treacherous
guide.
[page 37]
of battle. Mullá
Huseyn quartered his host in a fort near the
burial-place of Sheykh
tabarsí
1, and,
being aware of the wishes of the community, relaxed [p. 47.] and interrupted the
march. This detachment was subsequently further reinforced by
Mírzá Mu
hammad 'Alí of Mázandarán
with a number of other persons, so that the garrison of the fort numbered three
hundred and thirteen souls. Of these, however, all were not capable of fighting,
only one hundred and ten persons being prepared for war. Most of them were
doctors or students whose companions had been during their whole life books and
treatises; yet, in spite of the fact that they were unaccustomed to war or to the
blows of shot and sword, four times were camps and armies arrayed against them
and they were attacked and hemmed in with cannons, muskets, and bomb-shells,
and on all four occasions they inflicted defeat, while the army was completely
routed and dispersed
2. On the occasion of the fourth
defeat
1 The tomb of Sheykh
tabarsí - ever memorable for the gallant defence of the
Bábís - is situated about fourteen miles SE. of
Bárfurúsh and can only be reached by traversing swampy rice-fields and dense forests which in wet weather must be almost impassable. I visited
the spot on September 26th 1888, and could perceive no trace of the strong
ramparts described by the Musulmán historians and by Gobineau as having
been erected by the Bábís.
2 Kazem-Beg enumerates four sorties
made by the Bábís, of which the first three were successful,
although in the second Mullá Huseyn was killed. Kazem-Beg's
second sortie there-[footnote goes onto page 38]fore corresponds to
the fourth Bábí victory mentioned above. Considerable
confusion exists as to the successive incidents of the siege, but after comparing the
different accounts and especially that of the Táríkh-i-Jadíd I should suppose the four successes here alluded to to be as
follows:- (1) Rout of some of the comrades of the deceased Khusraw who attacked
the Bábís some three weeks after they had taken up their quarters
at Sheykh tabarsí. (2) Repulse of a larger force of local volunteers
and sack of Faráhil (Kazem-Beg i, p. 491-492; Gobineau, p. 197-199).
(3) Surprise of Mahdí-Kulí Mírzá and rout
of his troops with great loss (Kazem-Beg i, p. 495-499; Gobineau, p. 201-206). (4) The successful sortie wherein Mullá Huseyn's gallant
career was brought to a close in the very hour of victory (Kazem-Beg i, p. 499-504; Gobineau, p. 210-215).
[page 38]
'Abbás-
Kulí Khán of Láríján
was captain of the forces and Prince Mahdí-
Kulí
Mírzá commander in the camp. [p. 48.] The Khán above
mentioned used at nights to conceal and hide himself in disguise amongst the trees
of the forest outside the camp, while during the day he was present in the
encampment. The last battle took place at night and the army was routed. The
Bábís fired the tents and huts, and night became bright as day. The
foot of Mullá
Huseyn's horse caught in a noose, for he was riding,
the others being on foot. 'Abbás-
Kulí Khán
recognized him from the top of a tree afar off, and with his own hand discharged
several bullets. At the third shot he threw him from his feet. He was borne by his
followers to the fort, and there they buried him. Notwithstanding this event [the
troops] could not
[page 39]
prevail by superior force. At length the Prince made a treaty and covenant, and
sware by the Holy Imáms, confirming his oath by vows plighted on the [p.
49.]glorious
Kur'án, to this effect: "You shall not be molested;
return to your own places." Since their provisions had for some time been
exhausted, so that even of the skins and bones of horses naught remained, and they
had subsisted for several days on pure water, they agreed. When they arrived at
the army food was prepared for them in a place outside the camp. They were
engaged in eating, having laid aside their weapons and armour, when the soldiers
fell on them on all sides and slew them all. Some have accounted this valour
displayed by these people as a thing miraculous, but when a band of men are
besieged in some place where all avenues and roads are stopped and all hope of
deliverance is cut off they will assuredly defend themselves desperately [p. 50.]
and display bravery and courage.
In Zanján and Níríz
likewise at the decree of erudite doctors and notable lawyers a bloodthirsty
military force attacked and besieged. In Zanján the chief was Mullá
Mu
hammad 'Alí the
mujtahid, while in Níríz
Seyyid Ya
hyá of Dáráb was the leader and
arbiter
1. At first they sought to bring about a
1 For full accounts of the
siege of Zanján see Gobineau, p. 233-254; Kazem-Beg ii, p. 196-224;
and compare Watson, p. 387-392; Lady Sheil's Diary, p. 181. Kazem-Beg
alone of [footnote goes onto page 40] these four authorities gives an account
of the events at Níríz (ii, p. 224-239), but, as it appears to me,
he deals very unjustly with the character of Seyyid Yahyá of
Dáráb. This much at least is certain, that the Bábís
still regard him as one of their saints, which at any rate shews that they entertain
no doubts either of his sincerity or his loyalty. See Note H at
end.
[page 40]
reconciliation, but, meeting with cruel ferocity, they reached the pitch of
desperation; and, the overpowering force of the victorious troops having cut off
every passage of flight, they unclosed their hands in resistance. But although they
were very strong in battle and amazed the chiefs of the army by their
steadfastness and endurance, the overwhelming military force closed the passage
of flight and broke [p. 51.] their wings and feathers. After numerous battles they
too at last yielded to covenants and compacts, oaths and promises, vows registered
on the
Kur'án, and the wonderful stratagems of the officers, and
were all put to the edge of the sword.
Were we to occupy ourselves in detail with the
wars of Níríz and Zanján, or to set forth these events from
beginning to end, this epitome would become a bulky volume. So, since this would
be of no advantage to history, we have passed them over briefly.
During the course of the events which took place at
Zanján the Prime Minister devised a final and trenchant remedy. Without
the royal command, without consulting with the ministers of the subject-
[page 41]
protecting court, he, acting with arbitrary disposition, fixed determination, and
entirely on his own authority, issued commands to put the Báb to death.
This [p. 52.] befel in brief as follows. The governor of Ázarbaiján,
Prince
hamzé Mírzá, was unwilling that the
execution of this sentence should be at his hands
1,
and said to the brother of the Amír, Mírzá
Hasan
Khán, "This is a vile business and an easy one; anyone is capable and
competent. I had imagined that His Excellency the Regent would commission me to
make war on the Afghans or Uzbegs or appoint me to attack and invade the
territory of Russia or Turkey." So Mírzá
Hasan
Khán wrote his excuse in detail to the Amír.
Now the Seyyid Báb had disposed all his
affairs before setting out from Chihrí
k towards Tabríz, had
placed his writings and even his ring and pen-case in a specially prepared box,
put the key of the box in an envelope, and sent it by means of Mullá
Bá
kir, who was one of his first associates, to Mullá
'Abdu'l-[p. 53.]Karím of
Kazvín
2. This trust Mullá
Bá
kir delivered
1 According to Gobineau (p.
259 et seq.), however, hamzé Mírzá took the
leading part in the examination and condemnation of the Báb.
2 Mullá 'Abdu'l-Karím
was also known amongst the Bábís by the name of
Mírzá Ahmad-i-Kátib (the Scribe),
inasmuch as he acted as amanuensis to the Báb and later to
Mírzá Yahyá, Subh-i-Ezel. He was
one of the twenty-eight victims put to death in August 1852 in Teherán,
and fell by the hands [footnote goes onto page 42] of the artillerymen,
apparently without having undergone previous torture which he had much feared
and wherefrom he had prayed frequently to be delivered.
[page 42]
over to Mullá 'Abdu'l-Karím at
Kum in presence of a
numerous company. At the solicitations of those present he opened the lid of the
box and said, "I am commanded to convey this trust to Behá'u'lláh:
more than this ask not of me, for I cannot tell you." Importuned by the company,
he produced a long epistle in blue, penned in the most graceful manner with the
utmost delicacy and firmness in a beautiful minute
shikasta hand, written
in the shape of a man so closely that it would have been imagined that it was a
single wash of ink on the paper
1. When they had read
this epistle [they perceived that] he had produced three hundred and sixty
derivatives from the word
Behá. Then Mullá 'Abdu'l-Karím con[p. 54.]veyed the trust to its destination.
Well, we must return to our original narrative.
The Prime Minister issued a second order to his brother Mírzá
Hasan Khán, the gist of which order was this:- "Obtain a formal
and explicit sentence from the learned doctors of Tabríz who are the firm
support of the Church of Ja'far (upon him be peace)
1 An epistle of this sort
written by the Báb I have seen. It was in the form of a pentacle, and most
beautifully executed as above described. Cf. Kazem-Beg ii, p. 498. For a specimen
of the 'derivatives' produced by the Báb from the word Behá
see Note R at end.
[page 43]
and the impregnable stronghold of the Shi'ite faith; summon the Christian
regiment of Urúmiyya; suspend the Báb before all the people; and
give orders for the regiment to fire a volley."
Mírzá
Hasan Khán
summoned his chief of the
farráshes, and gave him his instructions.
They removed the Báb's turban and sash which were the signs of his
Seyyid-hood, brought him with four of his
followers
1 to the barrack square of Tabríz,
confined him in a cell, and appointed forty of the [p. 55.] Christian soldiers of
Tabríz to guard him.
Next day the chief of the
farráshes
delivered over the Báb and a young man named Á
ká
Mu
hammad 'Alí who was of a noble family of Tabríz to
Sám Khán, colonel of the Christian regiment of Urúmiyya,
at the sentences of the learned divine Mullá Mu
hammad of
Mámá
kán, of the second ecclesiastical authority
Mírzá Bá
kir, and of the third ecclesiastical
authority Mullá Murta
zá-
Kulí and others.
An iron nail was hammered into the middle of the staircase of the very cell
wherein they were imprisoned, and two ropes were hung down. By one rope the
Báb was suspended and by the other rope Á
ká
Mu
hammad 'Alí, both being firmly bound in such wise that the
1 These four would seem to
have been - (1) Áká Muhammad 'Alí of
Tabríz; (2) Áká Seyyid Huseyn of Yezd, the
Báb's amanuensis; (3) Áká Seyyid Hasan of
Yezd, his brother; (4) Áká Seyyid Ahmad of
Tabríz. See Note S at end.
[page 44]
head of that young man was on the Báb's breast. The surrounding house-tops billowed with teeming crowds. A regiment of soldiers ranged itself in three
files. The first file fired; then the second file, and [p. 56.] then the third file
discharged volleys. From the fire of these volleys a mighty smoke was produced.
When the smoke cleared away they saw that young man standing and the
Báb seated by the side of his amanuensis Á
ká Seyyid
Huseyn in the very cell from the staircase of which they had suspended
them. To neither one of them had the slightest injury resulted.
Sám Khán the Christian asked to be
excused; the turn of service came to another regiment, and the chief of the
farráshes withheld his hand. Á
ká Ján
Beg of Khamsa, colonel of the body-guard, advanced; and they again bound the
Báb together with that young man to the same nail. The Báb uttered
certain words which those few who knew Persian
understood
1, while the rest heard but the sound of his
voice.
[p. 57.] The colonel of the regiment appeared in
person: and it was before noon on the twenty-eighth of Sha'bán in the year
[A.H.] one thousand two hundred
1 The
Ázarbaiján dialect of Turkish is the language generally spoken in
Tabríz, and only persons who have either received some education or
travelled in other parts of Persia understand Persian. Indeed Turkish prevails as
far east as Kazvín, is widely spoken in Teherán, and is
understood by many even as far south as Kum.
[page 45]
and sixty-six
1. Suddenly he gave orders to fire. At
this volley the bullets produced such an effect that the breasts [of the victims]
were riddled, and their limbs were completely dissected, except their faces, which
were but little marred.
Then they removed those two bodies from the
square to the edge of the moat outside the city, and that night they remained by the
edge of the moat. Next day the Russian consul came with an artist and took a
picture of those two bodies in the posture wherein they had fallen at the edge of the
moat.
On the second night at midnight the
Bábís carried away the two bodies.
On the third day the people did not find the [p. 58.]
bodies, and some supposed that the wild beasts had devoured them, so that the
doctors proclaimed from the summits of their pulpits saying, "The holy body of
the immaculate Imám and that of the true Shi'ite are preserved from the
encroachments of beasts of prey and creeping things and wounds, but the body of
this person have the wild beasts torn in pieces." But after the fullest investigation
and enquiry it hath
1 July 9th 1850. I have
already pointed out (B. i, p. 512) that Kazem-Beg is in error in placing the
Báb's death in 1849. As to the events contemporary with the Founder's
martyrdom, the siege of Zanján was in progress, while the
Níríz insurrection had just been quelled. Indeed
Áká Seyyid Yahyá of Dáráb
according to reliable tradition suffered martyrdom on the same day as the
Báb.
[page 46]
been proved that when the Báb had dispersed all his writings and personal
properties and it had become clear and evident from various signs that these
events would shortly take place
1, therefore, on the
second day of these events, Suleymán
Khán
2 the son of Ya
hyá
Khán, one of the nobles of Ázarbaiján devoted to the
Báb, arrived, and proceeded straightway to the house of the mayor of
Tabríz. And since the mayor was an old friend, associate, and confidant of
[p. 59.] his; since, moreover, he was of the mystic temperament and did not
entertain aversion or dislike for any sect, Suleymán Khán divulged
this secret to
1 There is no doubt that, as
Gobineau states (p. 258), the Báb fully expected to suffer martyrdom. He
even issued instructions as to the disposal of his remains, which he desired should
be placed near the shrine of Sháh 'Abdu'l-'Azím some five
miles to the south of Teherán. "The place of Sháh 'Abdu'l-'Azím," he wrote, "is a good land, by reason of the
proximity of Wahíd" (i.e. Subh-i-Ezel, whose
name, Yahyá, is equivalent numerically to
Wahíd, cf. B. ii, 997) "for keeping; and God is the Best of
Keepers." The body, as here stated, was presently sent along with that of
Áká Muhammad 'Alí, the Báb's
fellow-sufferer, from Tabríz to Teherán. It was committed to the
care of Áká Mahdí of Káshán, who
deposited it in a little shrine called Imám-zádé-i-Ma'súm situated near the Imám-zádé-i-Hasan on the road from Teherán to
Ribát.-Karím. Here it remained in charge of the custodian of the
shrine (who was paid to keep watch over it) till about the year 1867, when it was
removed elsewhere by command of Behá'u'lláh.
2 Concerning Suleymán
Khán's martyrdom in August 1852 at Teherán see Note T at
end.
[page 47]
him saying, "Tonight I, with several others, will endeavour by every means and
artifice to rescue the body. Even though it be not possible, come what may we will
make an attack, and either attain our object or pour out our lives freely in this
way." "Such troubles," answered the mayor, "are in no wise necessary." He then
sent one of his private servants named Hájí Alláh-yár, who, by whatever means and proceedings it was, obtained the body
without trouble or difficulty and handed it over to Hájí
Suleymán Khán. And when it was morning the sentinels, to excuse
themselves, said that the wild beasts had devoured it. That night they sheltered [p.
60.] the body in the workshop of a Bábí of Mílán:
next day they manufactured a box, placed it in the box, and left it as a trust.
Afterwards, in accordance with instructions which arrived from Teherán,
they sent it away from Ázarbaiján. And this transaction remained
absolutely secret.
Now in these years [A.H. one thousand two hundred
and] sixty-six and sixty-seven throughout all Persia fire fell on the households of
the Bábís, and each one of them, in whatever hamlet he might be,
was, on the slightest suspicion arising, put to the sword. More than four thousand
souls were slain
1, and a great multitude of women
and children,
1 The most notable massacres
during this period were at Zanján and Níríz. Concerning the
martyrdom of the "Seven [footnote goes onto page 48] Martyrs" at
Teherán (amongst whom was the Báb's maternal uncle
Mírzá Seyyid 'Alí) which likewise took place at this time
some information will be found in Note B at end.
[page 48]
left without protector or helper, distracted and confounded, were trodden down and
destroyed. And all these occurrences were brought about solely by the arbitrary
decision and command of Mírzá Ta
kí Khán,
[p. 61.] who imagined that by the enactment of a crushing punishment this sect
would be dispersed and disappear in such wise that all sign and knowledge of them
would be cut off. Ere long had passed the contrary of his imagination appeared, and
it became certain that [the Bábís] were increasing. The flame rose
higher and the contagion became swifter: the affair waxed grave and the report
thereof reached other climes. At first it was confined to Persia: later it spread to
the rest of the world. Quaking and affliction resulted in constancy and stability,
and grievous pains and punishment caused acceptance and attraction. The very
events produced an impression; impression led to investigation; and investigation
resulted in increase. Through the ill-considered policy of the Minister this edifice
became fortified and strengthened, and these foundations firm and solid.
Previously the matter used to be [p. 62.] regarded as commonplace: subsequently
it acquired a grave importance in men's eyes. Many persons from all parts of the
world set out for Persia, and
[page 49]
began to seek with their whole hearts. For it hath been proved by experience in
the world that in the case of such matters of conscience laceration causeth healing;
censure produceth increased diligence; prohibition induceth eagerness; and
intimidation createth avidity. The root is hidden in the very heart, while the
branch is apparent and evident. When one branch is cut off other branches grow.
Thus it is observed that when such matters occur in other countries they become
extinct spontaneously through lack of attention and exiguity of interest. For up to
the present moment of movements pertaining to religion many have appeared in
the countries of [p. 63.] Europe, but, non-interference and absence of bigotry
having deprived them of importance, in a little while they became effaced and
dispelled.
After this event there was wrought by a certain
Bábí a great error and a grave presumption and crime, which has
blackened the page of the history of this sect and given it an ill name throughout
the civilized world. Of this event the marrow is this, that during the time when
the Báb was residing in Ázarbaiján a youth,
Sádi
k by name, became affected with the utmost devotion to
the Báb, night and day was busy in serving him, and became bereft of
thought and reason. Now when that which befel the Báb in Tabríz
took place, this servant, actuated by his own fond fancies, fell into thoughts of
seeking blood-
[page 50]
revenge. And since he knew naught of the details of the events, the absolute
autocracy of the
Amír-Nizám, his unbridled power,
and sole authority; nor [p. 64.] [was aware] that this sentence had been
promulgated absolutely without the cognizance of the Royal Court, and that the
Prime Minister had presumptuously issued the order on his own sole
responsibility; since, on the contrary, he supposed that agreeably to ordinary
custom and usage the attendants of the court had had a share in, and a knowledge of
this sentence, therefore, [impelled] by folly, frenzy, and his evil star, nay, by
sheer madness, he rose up from Tabríz and came straight to
Teherán, one other person being his accomplice. Then, since the Royal
Train had its abode in Shimrán, he thither directed his steps. God is our
refuge! By him was wrought a deed so presumptuous that the tongue is unable to
declare and the pen loath to describe it. Yet to God be praise and thankfulness that
this madman had charged his pistol with shot, imagining this to be preferable and
superior to all projectiles
1.
[p. 65.] Then all at once commotion arose, and this
sect became of such ill repute that still, strive and struggle as they may to escape
from the curse and disgrace
1 Of the attempt on the
Sháh's life a very graphic account is given by Gobineau (chapter xi). See
also Watson's History of Persia, &c. pp. 407-410, Lady Sheil's
Diary, pp. 273-282, and Note T at end.
[page 51]
and dishonour of this deed, they are unable to do so. They will recount from the
first manifestation of the Báb until the present time; but when the thread
of the discourse reaches this event they are abashed and hang their heads in shame,
repudiating the presumptuous actor and accounting him the destroyer of the
edifice and the cause of shame to mankind.
Now after the occurrence of this grave matter all
of this sect were suspected. At first there was neither investigation nor
enquiry
1, but afterwards in mere justice it was
decided that there should be investigation, enquiry, and examination. All who were
known to be of this sect fell under suspicion. [p. 66.] Behá'u'lláh
was passing the summer in the village of Afcha situated one stage from
Teherán. When this news was spread abroad and punishment began,
everyone who was able hid himself in some retreat or fled the country. Amongst
these Mírzá Ya
hyá
2,
the brother of Behá'u'lláh, concealed himself, and, a bewildered
fugitive, in the guise of a dervish, with
kashkúl3 in hand, wandered in
mountains and plains
1 i.e. at first everyone who
was suspected of belonging to the Bábí community was put to death
without enquiring as to whether he had any share in the conspiracy against the
king.
2 See Gobineau, pp. 277-279, and
Note W at end.
3 A hollow receptacle of about the
size and shape of a cocoa-nut, round the orifice of which two chains are attached at
four points to serve as a handle. It is used by dervishes as an alms-basket.
[page 52]
on the road to Resht. But Behá'u'lláh rode forth with perfect
composure and calmness from Afcha, and came to Niyávarán, which
was the abode of the Royal Train and the station of the imperial camp. Immediately
on his arrival he was placed under arrest, and a whole regiment guarded him
closely. [p. 67.] After several days of interrogation they sent him in chains and
fetters from Shimrán to the gaol of Teherán. And this harshness and
punishment was due to the immoderate importunity of Hájí
'Alí Khán, the
hájibu'd-Dawla
1, nor did there seem any hope of deliverance,
until His Majesty the King, moved by his own kindly spirit, commanded
circumspection, and ordered this occurrence to be investigated and examined
particularly and generally by means of the ministers of the imperial court.
Now when Behá'u'lláh was
interrogated on this matter he answered in reply, "The event itself indicates the
truth of the affair and testifies that this is the action of a thoughtless,
unreasoning, and igno-
1 Concerning this infamous
monster who, amongst innumerable other wickednesses and cruelties,
volunteered to carry out the sentence of death on his fallen benefactor,
Mírzá Takí Khán, see Watson's History of
Persia, &c. pp. 403-404. Dr Polak (Persien; das Land und seine
Bewohner, Leipsic, 1865, vol. 1, p. 352) describes him as "ein Mann ohne
Herz und auf Commando zu jeder Grausamkeit bereit," and then proceeds to
enumerate the ghastly tortures which he devised for the
Bábís.
[page 53]
rant man. For no reasonable person would charge his pistol with shot when
embarking on so grave an enterprise. At least he would so arrange and plan it that
the deed should be orderly and systematic. [p. 68.] From the very nature of the
event it is clear and evident as the sun that it is not the act of such as myself."
So it was established and proven that the assassin
had on his own responsibility engaged in this grievous action and monstrous deed
with the idea and design of taking blood revenge for his Master, and that it
concerned no one else
1. And when the truth of the
matter became evident the innocence of Behá'u'lláh from this
suspicion was established in such wise that no doubt remained for anyone; the
decision of the court declared his purity and freedom from this charge; and it
became apparent and clear that what had been done with regard to him was due to
the
1 According to Gobineau (p.
280) three Bábís actually took part in the attempt on the
Sháh's life and others were concerned in the plot. According to the
Násikhu't-Tawáríkh, which gives the most
circumstantial account of the occurrence, Mullá Sheykh 'Alí
(called by the Bábís Jenáb-i-'Azím)
first proposed the attempt, for the carrying out of which twelve persons
volunteered. Of these twelve, however, there were but three -
Sádikof Zanján (or Mílán),
Mullá Fathu'lláh of Kum, and Mírzá
Muhammad of Níríz - whose hearts did not fail them at the
last. Of these three the first was killed on the spot, the other two put to death
afterwards. See Note T at end.
[page 54]
efforts of his foes and the hasty folly of the
hájibu'd-Dawla.
Therefore did the government of eternal [p. 69.] duration desire to restore certain
properties and estates which had been confiscated, that thereby it might pacify
him. But since the chief part of these was lost and only an inconsiderable portion
was forthcoming, none came forward to claim them. Indeed
Behá'u'lláh requested permission to withdraw to the Supreme
Shrines [of Kerbelá and Nejef] and, after some
months
1, by the royal permission and with the leave
of the Prime Minister, set out accompanied by one of the King's messengers for the
Shrines.
Let us return, however, to our original subject. Of
the Báb's writings many remained in men's hands. Some of these were
commentaries on, and interpretations of the verses of the
Kur'án;
some were prayers, homilies, and hints of [the true significance of certain]
passages; others were exhortations, admonitions, dissertations on the different
branches of the doctrine of the Divine Unity, demonstrations of the special
prophetic mission of the Lord of existing things [Mu
hammad], and (as hath
been understood) encouragements to amendment of character, severance from
worldly states, [p. 70.] and dependence on the inspirations of
God
2. But
1 According to Nabíl's
chronological poem (B. ii, p. 983, 987) Behá'u'lláh was
imprisoned in Teherán for four months.
2 For an enumeration of the
Báb's writings see Note U at end.
[page 55]
the essence and purport of his compositions were the praises and descriptions of
that Reality soon to appear which was his only object and aim, his darling, and his
desire. For he regarded his own appearance as that of a harbinger of good tidings,
and considered his own real nature merely as a means for the manifestation of the
greater perfections of that One. And indeed he ceased not from celebrating him by
night or day for a single instant, but used to signify to all his followers that they
should expect his arising: in such wise that he declares in his writings, "I am a
letter out of that most mighty book and a dew-drop from that limitless ocean, and,
when he shall appear, my true nature, my mysteries, riddles, and intimations
will become evident, and the embryo of this religion shall develop through the
grades of its being and ascent, attain to the station of '
the [p. 71.]
most
comely of forms1,' and become adorned with the
robe of '
blessed be God, the Best of Creators2.'
And this event will disclose itself in the year [A.H. one thousand two hundred and]
sixty-nine, which corresponds to the number of the year of '
after a
while3,'
1 Kur'án, xcv.
4.
2 Kur'án, xxiii. 14.
For texts from Beyán illustrating this passage, see Note V at end.
3 The year of '
a while'
~~~ is 68 (~~~ =
8, ~~~ = 10, ~~~ = 50), and the year of
'
after a while' therefore corresponds to 69, which is the number
after 68. It was not, however, till A.H. 1283 (A.D. 1866-67) that,
according to Nabíl (B. ii. pp. 984, [
footnote goes onto page 56]
988), Behá openly declared himself as 'He whom God shall
manifest.']
[page 56]
and '
thou shalt see the mountains which thou thinkest so solid passing away like
the passing of the clouds1' shall be fulfilled." In
short he so described Him that, in his own expression, He regarded approach to the
divine bounty and attainment of the highest degrees of perfection in the worlds of
humanity as dependent on love for him, and so inflamed was he with his flame that
commemoration of him was the bright candle of his dark nights in the fortress of
Mákú, and remembrance of him was the best of companions in the
straits of the prison of Chihrí
k. Thereby he obtained spiritual
enlargements; with his wine was he inebriated; and at remembrance of Him did He
rejoice. All of his followers too were in [p. 72.] expectation of the appearance of
these signs, and each one of his intimates was seeking after the fulfilment of these
forecasts.
Now from the beginning of the manifestation of the
Báb there was in Teherán (which the Báb called the
Holy
Land) a youth of the family of one of the ministers and of noble
lineage
2, gifted in every way,
1 Kur'án,
xxvii. 90.
2 Behá'u'lláh
(Mírzá Huseyn 'Alí) and Subh-i-Ezel (Mírzá Yahyá) were both sons of
Mírzá 'Abbás (better known as Mírzá
Buzurg) but by different mothers. This is confirmed beyond all doubt by
Subh-i-Ezel and others who have the best means of knowing,
though Gobineau (p. 277) gives a different [footnote goes onto page 57]
account. There was another brother called Músá, now deceased, one
of whose sons is at present residing in Acre.
[page 57]
and adorned with purity and nobility. Although he combined lofty lineage with high
connection, and although his ancestors were men of note in Persia and universally
sought after
1, yet he was not of a race of doctors or a
family of scholars. Now this youth was from his earliest adolescence celebrated
amongst those of the ministerial class, both relatives and strangers, for single-mindedness, and was from childhood pointed out as remarkable for sagacity, and
held in regard in the eyes of the wise. He did not, however, after the fashion of his
ancestors, desire elevation to lofty ranks nor seek advancement to splendid but
transient posi[p. 73.]tions. His extreme aptitude was nevertheless admitted by
all, and his excessive acuteness and intelligence were universally avowed. In the
eyes of the common folk he enjoyed a wonderful esteem, and in all gatherings and
assemblies he had a marvellous speech and delivery. Notwithstanding lack of
instruction and education
2 such was the keenness of
his penetration
1 Lit. "the place where the
camels' saddles are put down," i.e. people whose houses are frequented by guests
and visitors. See Lane's Lexicon, Book I. Part III. p. 1053.
2 Behá himself says in the
earlier portion of his Epistle to the King of Persia not included in the
extract therefrom given further on:- [two lines of Persian/Arabic script]
"I have not studied the sciences which men have, neither have I entered
[footnote goes onto page 58] the colleges: ask the city wherein I was that thou
mayest be sure that I am not of those who lie."
[page 58]
and the readiness of his apprehension that when during his youthful prime he
appeared in assemblies where questions of divinity and points of metaphysic were
being discussed, and, in presence of a great concourse of doctors and scholars
loosed his tongue, all those present were amazed, accounting this as a sort of
prodigy beyond the discernment natural to the human race. From his early years
he was the hope of his kindred and the unique one of his family and race, nay, their
refuge and shelter.
However, in spite of these conditions and
circum[p. 74.]stances, as he wore a
kuláh1 on his head and locks flowing
over his shoulder, no one imagined that he would become the source of such
matters, or that the waves of his flood would reach the zenith of this firmament.
When the question of the Báb was noised
abroad signs of partiality appeared in him. At the first he apprized his relatives
and connections, and the children and dependents of his own circle; subsequently
he occupied his energies by day and night in
1 The Persian lamb-skin hat
worn by Government employés and civilians. The words
~~~ (hatted) and
~~~ (turbaned) are commonly used to
distinguish the laity or civilian class from the clergy or learned class. The latter
usually shave the head, while the former wear their hair in zulf descending
below the level of the ears.
[page 59]
inviting friends and strangers [to embrace the new faith]. He arose with mighty
resolution, engaged with the utmost constancy in systematizing the principles and
consolidating the ethical canons of that society in every way, and strove by all
means to protect and guard these people.
When he had [thus] established the foundations in
Teherán he hastened to Mázandarán, where he [p. 75.]
displayed in assemblies, meetings, conferences, inns, mosques, and colleges a
mighty power of utterance and exposition. Whoever beheld his open brow or heard
his vivid eulogies perceived him with the eye of actual vision to be a patent
demonstration, a latent magnetic force, and a pervading influence. A great number
both of rich and poor and of erudite doctors were attracted by his preaching and
washed their hands of heart and life, being so enkindled that they laid down their
lives under the sword dancing [with joy].
Thus, amongst many instances, one day four
learned and accomplished scholars of the divines of Núr were present in
his company, and in such wise did he expound that all four were involuntarily
constrained to entreat him to accept them for his service. For by dint of his
eloquence, which was like 'evi[p. 76.]dent sorcery,' he satisfied these eminent
doctors that they were in reality children engaged in the rudiments of study and
the merest tyros, and that
[page 60]
therefore they must read the alphabet from the beginning. Several protracted
conferences were passed in expounding and elucidating the
Point1 and the
Alif of the Absolute,
wherein the doctors present were astounded, and filled with amazement and
astonishment at the seething and roaring of the ocean of his utterance. The report
of this occurrence reached the hearing of far and near, and deep despondency fell
on the adversaries. The regions of Núr were filled with excitement and
commotion at these events, and the noise of this mischief and trouble smote the
ears of the citizens of Bárfurúsh. The chief divine of Núr,
Mullá Mu
hammad, was in
Kishlá
k2. When
1 The 'Point'
[~~~], 'Point of Revelation'
[~~~], and 'First Point'
[~~~] were the titles assumed by the
Báb during the latter part of his mission, and it is by one of these titles, or
by the phrases ~~~ ('His Highness
the Supreme'), ~~~ ('His
Highness my Lord the Supreme'), that he is mentioned amongst the
Bábís. (See Gobineau, p. 156.) The Alif, in the phraseology
of the mystics, indicates the unmanifested Essence of God.
2 Kishlák is a
word of Turkish origin (from ~~~
winter) applied generally to the warmer low-lying districts where the winter is
passed, the highlands where the summer is spent being called
Yílák or Yílágh. It is also
applied as a proper name to several places in the north of Persia.
Kishlák of Núr is, as appears from the
Sháh's Diary of his journey through Mázandarán, a district
bordering on the coast, of which the chief town is Khurramábád.
Núr itself is situated in the mountains.
[page 61]
he heard of these occurrences he sent two of the most distinguished and profound of
the doctors, who were [p. 77.] possessed of wondrous eloquence, effective
oratorical talent, conclusiveness of argument, and brilliant powers of
demonstration, to quench this fire, and to subdue and overcome this young man by
force of argument, either reducing him to penitence, or causing him to despair of
the successful issue of his projects. Glory be to God for His wondrous decrees!
When those two doctors entered the presence of that young man, saw the waves of
his utterance, and heard the force of his arguments, they unfolded like the rose and
were stirred like the multitude, and, abandoning altar and chair, pulpit and
preferment, wealth and luxury, and evening and morning congregations, they
applied themselves to the furtherance of the objects of this person, even inviting
the chief divine to tender his [p. 78.] allegiance. So when this young man with a
faculty of speech like a rushing torrent set out for Ámul and
Sárí he met with that experienced doctor and that illustrious divine
in
Kishlá
k of Núr. And the people assembled from
all quarters awaiting the result. His accomplished reverence the divine, although
he was of universally acknowledged excellence, and in science the most learned of
his contemporaries, nevertheless decided to have recourse to augury as to
[whether he should engage in] discussion and disputation. This did not prove
favourable and he therefore excused
[page 62]
himself, deferring [the discussion] until some other time. His incompetency and
shortcoming thereby became known and suspected, and this caused the adherence,
confirmation, and edification of many.
In brief outline the narrative is this. For some
while he wandered about in those districts. After the death of the late prince
Mu
hammad Sháh he returned to Teherán, having in his
mind [the intention of] corresponding and entering into relations [p. 79.] with the
Báb. The medium of this correspondence was the celebrated Mullá
'Abdu'l-Karím of
Kazvín
1,
who was the Báb's mainstay and trusted intimate. Now since a great
celebrity had been attained for Behá'u'lláh in Teherán, and
the hearts of men were disposed towards him, he, together with Mullá
'Abdu'l-Karím, considered it as expedient that, in face of the agitation
amongst the doctors, the aggressiveness of the greater part of [the people of]
Persia, and the irresistible power of the
Amír-Nizám, whereby both the Báb and
Behá'u'lláh were in great danger and liable to incur severe
punishment, some measure should be adopted to direct the thoughts of men towards
some absent person, by which means Behá'u'lláh would remain
protected from the interference of all men. And since further, having regard to
sundry considerations, they did not consider an outsider as suitable, they cast the
lot of this
1 See above, p. 41 and
note.
[page 63]
augury to the name of Behá'u'lláh's brother Mírzá
Ya
hyá
1.
[p. 80.] By the assistance and instruction of
Behá'u'lláh, therefore, they made him notorious and famous on the
tongues of friends and foes, and wrote letters, ostensibly at his dictation, to the
Báb. And since secret correspondences were in process the Báb
highly approved of this scheme. So Mírzá Ya
hyá was
concealed and hidden while mention of him was on the tongues and in the mouths of
men. And this mighty plan was of wondrous efficacy, for
Behá'u'lláh, though he was known and seen, remained safe and
secure, and this veil was the cause that no one outside [the sect] fathomed the
matter or fell into the idea of molestation, until Behá'u'lláh quitted
Teherán at the permission of the King and was permitted to withdraw to the
Supreme Shrines.
When he reached Baghdad and the crescent moon of
the month of Mu
harram of the year [A.H. one [p. 81.] thousand two
hundred and] sixty-nine (which was termed in the books of the Báb "the
year of '
after a while2'" and wherein he had
promised the disclosure of the true nature of his religion and its mysteries) shone
forth from the horizon of the world, this covert secret, as is related, became
apparent amongst all within and without [the society]. Behá'u'lláh
with mighty steadfastness became a target for the arrows
1 See Note W at end.
2 See note 3 at foot of p.
55.
[page 64]
of all amongst mankind, while Mírzá Ya
hyá in
disguise passed his time, now in the environs and vicinity of Baghdad engaged for
better concealment in various trades, now in Baghdad itself in the garb of the
Arabs.
Now Behá'u'lláh so acted that the
hearts of this sect were drawn towards him, while most of the inhabitants of
'Irá
k1 were reduced to silence and
speechlessness, some being amazed and others an[p. 82.]gered. After remaining
there for one year he withdrew his hand from all things, abandoned relatives and
connections, and, without the knowledge of his followers, quitted
'Irá
k[footnote 1] alone and solitary, without companion,
supporter, associate, or comrade. For nigh upon two years he dwelt in Turkish
Kurdistán, generally in a place named Sarkalú, situated in the
mountains, and far removed from human habitations. Sometimes on rare occasions
he used to frequent Suleymániyyé. Ere long had elapsed the most
eminent doctors of those regions got some inkling of his circumstances and
conditions, and conversed with him on the solution of certain difficult questions
connected with the most abstruse points of theology. Having witnessed on his part
ample signs and satisfactory explanations they observed towards him the
1 Here and in subsequent
passages where 'Irák is mentioned 'Irák-i-'Arab (especially Baghdad) is intended, not Irák-i-'Ajam.
[page 65]
utmost respectfulness and deference. In consequence [p. 83.] of this he acquired a
great fame and wonderful reputation in those regions, and fragmentary accounts of
him were circulated in all quarters and directions, to wit that a stranger, a
Persian, had appeared in the district of Suleymániyyé (which hath
been, from of old, the place whence the most expert doctors of the Sunnites have
arisen), and that the people of that country had loosed their tongues in praise of
him. From the rumour thus heard it was known that that person was none other
than Behá'u'lláh. Several persons, therefore, hastened thither, and
began to entreat and implore, and the urgent entreaty of all brought about his
return.
Now although this sect had not been affected with
quaking or consternation at these grievous events, such as the slaughter of their
chief and the rest, but did rather increase and multiply; still, since the
Báb was but beginning to lay the founda[p. 84.]tions when he was slain,
therefore was this community ignorant concerning its proper conduct, action,
behaviour, and duty, their sole guiding principle being love for the Báb.
This ignorance was the reason that in some parts disturbances occurred; for,
experiencing violent molestation, they unclosed their hands in self-defence. But
after his return Behá'u'lláh made such strenuous efforts in
educating, teaching, training, regulating, and reconstructing this com-
[page 66]
munity that in a short while all these troubles and mischiefs were quenched, and
the utmost tranquillity and repose reigned in men's hearts; so that, according to
what hath been heard, it became clear [p. 85.] and obvious even to statesmen that
the fundamental intentions and ideas of this sect were things spiritual, and such as
are connected with pure hearts; that their true and essential principles were to
reform the morals and beautify the conduct of the human race, and that with things
material they had absolutely no concern.
When these principles, then, were established in
the hearts of this sect they so acted in all lands that they became celebrated
amongst statesmen for gentleness of spirit, steadfastness of heart, right intent,
good deeds, and excellence of conduct. For this people are most well-disposed
towards obedience and submissiveness, and, on receiving such instruction, they
conformed their conduct and behaviour thereto. Formerly exception was taken to
the words, deeds, de[p. 86.]meanour, morals, and conduct of this sect: now
objection is made in Persia to their tenets and spiritual state. Now this is beyond
the power of man, that he should be able by interference or objection to change the
heart and conscience, or meddle with the convictions of any one. For in the realm
of conscience nought but the ray of God's light can command, and on the throne of
the heart none
[page 67]
but the pervading power of the King of Kings should rule. Thus it is that one can
arrest and suspend [the action of] every faculty except thought and reflection; for
a man cannot even by his own volition withhold himself from reflection or
thought, nor keep back his musings and imaginings.
At all events the undeniable truth is this, that for
nigh upon thirty-five years
1 no action opposed [p.
87.] to the government or prejudicial to the nation has emanated from this sect or
been witnessed [on their part], and that during this long period, notwithstanding
the fact that their numbers and strength are double what they were formerly, no
sound has arisen from any place, except that every now and then learned doctors
and eminent scholars (really for the extension of this report through the world
and the awakening of men) sentence some few to death. For such interference is not
destruction but edification when thou regardest the truth, which will not thereby
become quenched and forgotten, but rather stimulated and advertised.
I will at least relate one short anecdote of what
1 This passage clearly shews
that our history was composed not more than four or five years ago, probably
during the year 1886. For since the attempt on the Sháh's life in the
month of Shawwál, A.H. 1268 (August 1852), the Bábís
have taken no action hostile to the Persian government, and the month of
Shawwál, A.H. 1303 (35 years from this date) began in July,
1886.
[page 68]
actually took place. A certain person violently molested and grievously injured a
certain Bábí. [p. 88.] The victim unclosed his hand in retaliation
and arose to take vengeance, unsheathing his weapon against the aggressor.
Becoming the object of the censure and reprimand of this sect, however, he took
refuge in flight. When he reached Hamadán his character became known,
and, as he was of the clerical class, the doctors vehemently pursued him, handed
him over to the government, and ordered chastisement to be inflicted. By chance
there fell out from the fold of his collar a document written by
Behá'u'lláh, the subject of which was reproof of attempts at
retaliation, censure and reprobation of the search after vengeance, and
prohibition from following after lusts. Amongst other matters they found these
expressions contained in it:- "
Verily God is quit of the sedi[p.
89.]
tious," and likewise:- "
If ye be slain it is better for you than that ye
should slay. And when ye are tormented have recourse to the controllers of affairs
and the refuge of the people1; and if ye be
neglected then entrust your affairs to the Jealous Lord. This is the mark of the
sincere, and the characteristic of the
1 i.e. "If you be wronged or
persecuted, appeal for protection and redress to the legally constituted
authorities; and if they will not help you, then be patient and put your trust in
God, but do not attempt by force to obtain redress for
yourselves."
[page 69]
assured." When the governor became cognizant of this writing he addressed
that person saying, "By the decree of that chief whom you yourself obey correction
is necessary and punishment and chastisement obligatory." "If," replied that
person, "you will carry out all his precepts I shall have the utmost pleasure in
[submitting to] punishment and death." The governor smiled and let the man go.
So Behá'u'lláh made the utmost
efforts to educate [his people] and incite [them] to morality, the acquisition of the
sciences and arts of all countries, kindly dealing with all the nations of the earth,
desire for the welfare of all peoples, sociability, con[p. 90.]cord, obedience,
submissiveness, instruction of [their] children, production of what is needful for
the human race, and inauguration of true happiness for mankind; and he
continually kept sending tracts of admonition to all parts, whereby a wonderful
effect was produced. Some of these epistles have, after extreme search and
enquiry, been examined, and some portions of them shall now be set down in
writing
1
1 For some account of
Behá's various writings see B. ii. pp. 942-981. A specimen of the
~~~ in the original may be found in
Rosen's MSS. Persans, pp. 32-51, and a part of the
~~~ in his MSS. Arabes, pp.
191-212. Baron Rosen intends shortly to publish the whole of the
~~~ including the Epistles to the
Kings (~~~), and he has been kind
enough to send me the proof-sheets of this [footnote goes onto page 70]
important work as they are printed off. Further information will be found in a
subsequent foot-note.
[page 70]
All these epistles consisted of [exhortations to]
purity of morals, encouragement to good conduct, reprobation of certain
individuals, and complaints of the seditious. Amongst others this sentence was
recorded:-
"
My captivity is not my abasement: by my life, it is indeed a glory unto me! But
the abasement is the ac[p. 91.]
tion of my friends who connect themselves
with us and follow the devil in their actions. Amongst them is he who taketh lust
and turneth aside from what is commanded; and amongst them is he who followeth
the truth in right guidance. As for those who commit sin and cling to the world
they are assuredly not of the people of Behá."
So again:-
"
Well is it with him who is adorned with the
decoration of manners and morals: verily he is of those who help their Lord with
clear perspicuous action."
"
He is God, exalted is His state, wisdom and
utterance. The True One (glorious is His glory) for the shewing forth of the
gems of ideals from the mine of man, hath, in every age, sent a trusted one. The
primary foundation of the faith of God and the religion of God is this, that they
should not make diverse sects and various paths the cause and reason of hatred.
These principles and laws and firm sure roads
[page 71]
appear from one dawning-place and shine from one dayspring, and these
diversities were out of regard for [p. 92.] the requirements of the time, season,
ages, and epochs. O unitarians, make firm the girdle of endeavour, that perchance
religious strife and conflict may be removed from amongst the people of the world
and be annulled. For love of God and His servants engage in this great and mighty
matter. Religious hatred and rancour is a world-consuming fire, and the
quenching thereof most arduous, unless the hand of Divine Might give men
deliverance from this unfruitful calamity. Consider a war which happeneth
between two states: both sides have foregone wealth and life: how many villages
were beheld as though they were not! This precept is in the position of the light in
the lamp of utterance."
"O people of the world, ye are all the fruit of one
tree and the leaves of one branch. Walk with perfect [p. 93.] charity, concord,
affection, and agreement. I swear by the Sun of Truth, the light of agreement shall
brighten and illumine the horizons. The all-knowing Truth hath been and is the
witness to this saying. Endeavour to attain to this high supreme station which is
the station of protection and preservation of mankind. This is the intent of the King
of intentions, and this the hope of the Lord of hopes."
"We trust that God will assist the kings of the
earth to illuminate and adorn the earth with the
[page 72]
refulgent light of the Sun of Justice. At one time we spoke in the language of the
Law, at another time in the language of the Truth and the Way; and the ultimate
object and remote aim was the shewing forth of this high supreme station.
And
God sufficeth for witness."
[p. 94.]"O friends, consort with all the people of
the world with joy and fragrance. If there be to you a word or essence whereof
others than you are devoid, communicate it and shew