The Persian
Revolution of 1905-1909
Scanned by Duane Troxel. This file has not been proofread;
it is included because of its usefulness even unproofread, and because it
may be a long time before it is proofed. Volunteers able to proofread
would be welcomed; write to .
+Pi
THE PERSIAN REVOLUTION
OF 1905-1909
+Pii
[This page contains a photograph of the man named below.]
Siyyid Jamalu'Din "al-Afghan"
(died March 9, 1897)
+Piii
THE
PERSIAN REVOLUTION
OF 1905- 1909
[By]
EDWARD G. BROWNE
NEW YORK
BARNES & NOBLE, INC.
Publishers Booksellers Since 1873
+Piv
[THIS PAGE IS INTENTIONALLY BLANK.]
+Pv
TABLE OF CONTENTS
PAGE
PREFACE . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xi
CHAP.
I. Siyyid Jamalu'd-Din, the Protagonist of Pan-Islamism . . . 1
II. The Tobacco Concession and its consequences . . . . . . . . 31
III.
The Assassination of Nasiru'd-Din Shah . . . . . . . . . . 59 IV.
The
Granting of the Constitution by Muzaffaru'd-Din Shah . 98
V. Muhammad 'Ali Shah and the Constitution, until the
abortive Coup d'Etat of December, 1907 . . . . . . . . . . 133
VI. The Anglo-Russian Agreement, as seen through Persian
eyes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 172
VII. The Coup d'Etat of June 23, 1908, and Destruction of the
first Majlis . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 196
VIII. The Defence of Tabriz. First Period: June-December,
1908 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 233
IX. The Fall of Tabriz and the Rising of the Provinces . . . . 259
X. The Nationalist Triumph, the Abdication of Muhammad 'Ali,
and the Restoration of the Constitution . . . . . . . . . . 292
XI. The Accession of Sultan Ahmad Shah, and the Convocation
of the second Majlis . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 324
APPENDIX A. The Bases of the Persian Constitution, namely:
(i) The Farman of August 5, 1906 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 353
(ii) The Electoral Law of September 9, 1906 . . . . . . . . . . 355
(iii) The Fundamental Laws of December 30, 1906 . . . . . . . . . 362
(iv) The Supplementary Fundamental Laws of October 7,
1907 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 372
(v) The New Electoral Law of July 1, 1909 . . . . . . . . . . . 385
+Pvi
APPENDIX B. Notes embodying additional information received
while the book was passing through the Press, namely:
(1) Memorandum on Siyyid Jamalu'd-Din by Mr Wilfred
Scawen Blunt . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 401
(2) Hajji Sayyah, Furughi and the I'timadu's-Saltana . . . . . 404
(3) M. Antoine Kitabji . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 405
(4) Mirza Ahmad of Kirman and Siyyid Hasan . . . . . . . . . . 405
(5) Hajji Shaykh Hadi Najm-abadi . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 406
(6) The Amiriyya Palace . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 407
(7) Shamsu'l-'Ulama and Aminu'z-Zarb . . . . . . . . . . . . . 407
(8) Execution of Mirza Riza of Kirman . . . . . . . . . . . . . 408
(9) Shaykh Ahmad"Ruhi"of Kirman and his two companions . . . . 409
(10) Characters of Muzaffaru'd-Din Shah and of the
Aminu'd-Dawla . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 415
(11) The Qiwamu'd-Dawla . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 418
(12) Shapshal Khan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 418
(13) The Anjuman-i-Makhft . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 420
(14) The Sipahsalar . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 420
(15) Fatwa on the Rights of Zoroastrians . . . . . . . . . . . . 421
(16) Attitude of Baha'is towards Persian Politics . . . . . . . 424
(17) A Russian view of British Foreign Policy . . . . . . . . . 429
(18) The Mujallalu's-Sultan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 432
(19) Original texts of the Liakhoff Documents . . . . . . . . . 432
(20) The Moving Spirits of the Rasht Rising . . . . . . . . . . 436
(21) Mr H. C. Baskervil]e . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 440
(22) Sattar Khan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 441
(23) Persia aud the Times . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 443
(24) Execution of Shaykh Fazlu'llah . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 444
(25) The Fate of certain prominent Reactionaries, especially
the Muwaqqaru's-Saltana . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 445
+Pvii
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
(1) Siyyid Jamalu'd-Din"al-Afghan". . . . . . . . . . . . Frontispiece
(2) Prince Malkom Khan . . . . . . . . . . . . . .To face p. 38
(3) Nisiru'-Din Shah . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ." " 58
(4) Mirza Muhammad Riza of Kirman . . . . . . . . . . " " 62
(5) Three of Siyyid Jamalu'd-Din's disciples . . . . ." " 94
(6) Muzaffaru'd-Din Shah . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ." " 98
(7) Siyyid Muhammad-i-Tabataba'i and and Siyyid
'Abdu'llahi-Bahbahani . . . . . . . . . . . . . ." " 114
(8) Cartoons from the Hashardtu'l-Arz . . . . . . . . " " 116
(9) Members of the First Majlis . . . . . . . . . . . " " 124
(10) Taqi-zada . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ." " 130
(11) Muhammad 'Ali Shah . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . " " 132
(12) The Aminn's- Sultan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ." " 140
(13) The Salar'ud- Dawla . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ." " 142
(14) Shaykh Fazlu'llah- i-Nuri . . . . . . . . . . . ." " 148
(15) 'Abbas Aqa of Tabriz . . . . . . . . . . . . . . " " 150
(16) The Nasiru'l-Mulk . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ." " 162
(17) Mirza Ghaffar of Qazwin . . . . . . . . . . . . " " 166
(18) Map of Persia, shewing the"Spheres of Influence" " " 172
(19) The Zillu's-Sultan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . " " 196
(20) Amir Bahadur Jang . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . " " 198
(21) Aqa Siyyid Jamalu'd-Din of Isfahan and the
Maliku'l-Mutakallimin . . . . . . . . . . . . . ." " 204
(22) Mirza Jahangir Khan and Hajji Mirza Ibrahim Aqa ." " 208
(23) Two Picture Post-cards of the Revolution . . . . " " 210
(24) Colonel V. Liakhoff . . . . . . . . . . . . . . " " 212
(25) The Baharistan after the Bombardment . . . . . . " " 224
(26) Facsimile of Persian Siege-map of Tabriz . . . . .between pp.
248-9
+Pviii
(27) Siyyids and National Volunteers of Tabriz . . . . To face p. 252
(28) The three great Mujtahids who supported the
National Cause . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . " " 262
(29) The Bakhtiyari liberators of Isfahan . . . . . . " " 266
(30) Dervishes in camp outside Isfahan . . . . . . . ." " 268
(31) A Nationalist Council at Rasht . . . . . . . . . " " 292
(32) House of 'Adu'l-Mulk at Tabriz . . . . . . . . . " " 294
(33) Bakhtiyaris in camp outside Isfahan . . . . . . ." " 298
(34) Group of National Volunteers at Rasht . . . . . ." " 300
(35) Bakhtiyaris in camp outside Isfahan . . . . . . ." " 302
(36) Constitutionalists in refuge at the Ottoman
Embassy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ." " 304
(37) Bakhtiyaris mustering in the Maydan at Isfahan . " " 306
(38) The Sipahdar and the Sardar- i-As'ad . . . . . . ." " 308
(39) Bakhtiyaris in camp outside Isfahan . . . . . . ." " 310
(40) Bakhtiyari Khans with the guns . . . . . . . . . " " 316
(41) Sultan Ahmad Shah and the Regent 'Azudu'l-Mulk . " " 324
(42) Shapshal Khan and Sa'du'd-Dawla . . . . . . . . ." " 418
(43) Facsimile of Fatwa on the rights of Zoroastrians p. 422
(44) Facsimile of Letter to Persia Committee . . . . . p. 423 (45)
Mu'izzu's-Sultan and Yeprem Khan . . . . . . . . . . ." " 436
(46) Sattar Khan the Defender and Rahim Khan the
Besieger of Tabriz . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . " " 440
+Pix
ERRATA
[The errata page was not reproduced here because all the suggested
changes were made to the electronic text directly.]
+Px
POSTSCRIPT
Although incidental mention is made of a few matters (such as the
trial
and execution of the Muwaqqaru's Saltana) which belong to the earlier
part of this current year (1910) the systematic narrative ceases with
the restoration of the Constitution and the occurrernces immediately
connected therewith. No attempt has been made to deal with the most
recent events, of which the assassination of Siyyid 'Abdu'llah-i-
Bahbahani (July 15); the withdrawal of Taqi-zada from the capital to
Tabriz (about August 1); the bombardment and forcible disarmament of
the
fida'is (August 7, 1910); the wounding of Sattar Khan and the
pensioning
of him and Baqir Khan; the intrigues of the Sipahaar-i-A'zam; the
recent
attempt of the Russians to extort concessions as the price of the
withdrawal of their troops (an attempt at blackmailing against which
even the Times has protested); and the death of the late Regent,
'Zudu'l-Mulk, on Sept. 22, are the most important. The accession of
Sultan Ahmad Shah and the restoration of the Constitution mark the
beginning of a new epoch, which in the future may fitly form the
subject
of a new volume.
+Pxi
PREFACE
[Calligraphic script heads this page; presumably its translation into
English follows below.]
"Ne'er may that evil-omened day befall
When Iran shall become the stranger's thrall!
Ne'er may I see that virgin fair and pure
Fall victim to some Russian gallant's lure!
And ne'er may Fate this angel-bride award
As serving-maiden to some English lord!"
(Verses written in prison at Trebizonde by Mirza Aqa Khan of Kirman in
1896, shortly before he suffered death.)
It is always, I think, helpful to the reader if at the very
threshold of his book the author will indicate in general terms
the thought which underlies it and the point of view from which
it has been written. Now this book, though, in view of the
difficulty of fully examining or impartially criticising contemporary
events, I have not ventured to entitle it a history,
is in fact intended for such; and I have naturally endeavoured
first to collect, co-ordinate and weigh all available information, and
then to present as faithful a summary of the conclusions to
which it has led me as I have been able to frame. It is a
truism, but likewise a truth, and a truth, moreover, often overlooked
in practice, that, even when there is agreement as to the
facts of a case, there will be differences of opinion not only as to
their interpretation in matters of detail, but as to the verdict to
which they lead. Argument can only be fruitful when there is
+Pxii
a basis of agreement. If two travellers wish to go to Penzance
they can discuss with profit the best way of getting there; but
if one wishes to go to Penzance and the other to John o'Groat's
House, such discussion is obviously futile.
To apply this principle to the present case. In all that
have written in this book I have implicitly assumed:
(1) That in this world diversity, not uniformity, is the
higher law and the more desirable state.
(2) That everything in this world has its own generic
perfection, or, as the Babis quaintly phrase it, its own Paradise,
which
is only attainable by the realization of its own highest
potentialities, not by the adoption or attempted adoption of the
attributes of something else.
(3) That, whether it be a question of individuals or nations, the
destruction of a distinctive type is a loss to the universe and
therefore an evil.
These doctrines or dogmas, like all dogmas which rest on a
philosophical conception of the universe and have been not only
accepted but assimilated, necessarily colour one's whole view of the
many questions to which they relate. But they are, perhaps,
rather "the choice of a soul" than matters susceptible of proof.
Suppose I have a beautiful garden filled with flowers of innumerable
kinds which I love and which fills me with gladness
and pride, and suppose some utilitarian bids me dig up and cast
away these beautiful flowers, and plant the garden with potatoes or
cabbages, or even with one kind of beautiful Rower only, on
the ground that I shall thereby make more money, or produce a
more useful crop, I cannot argue with him, I can on]y oppose
him with all my strength. And when people say (as, unhappily,
many people in this country do say) that Persia is a backward
country, which, in the hands of its own people cannot be
"developed," or only very slowly, and that the best thing that
can happen is that some European Power, whether England or
Russia, should step in and "develop" it, whether its people like
it or not, I feel as I do about the flower-garden, that no material
prosperity, no amount of railways, mines, gaols, gas, or drainage can
compensate the world, spiritually and intellectually, for the loss of
Persia. And this is what the occupation and administration
+Pxiii
of Persia by foreigners would inevitably mean, if it
endured long; and experience shews that "temporary" occupations
of the territories of weak peoples by great European
Powers can only be called "temporary" in the sense that they
will presumably not be eternal.
To discuss the general question of the value of small
nationalities would, however, unduly enlarge this Preface; but,
even those (and in these days they are, alas! many) who would
deny this value will perhaps admit that certain exceptional
races, such as the Greeks in Europe, have contributed so
much to the spiritual, intellectual and artistic wealth of the
human race that they have an exceptional claim on our
sympathies, and that their submergence must be reckoned a
calamity which no expediency can justify. What Greece owes
to this feeling is known to all, and I suppose that few would
deny that modern Greece owes her independence to her ancient
glories. And Persia, I venture to think, stands, in this respect, in
the
same category. Of all the ancient nations whose names
are familiar to us Persia is almost the only one which still exists as
an independent political unit within her old frontiers (sadly
contracted, it is true, since Darius the Great caused to be engraved
on
the rocks of Bagastana or Bisutun, in characters still
legible, the long list of the provinces which obeyed him and
brought him tribute), inhabited by a people still wonderfully
homogeneous, considering the vicissitudes through which they
have passed, and still singularly resembling their ancient forbears.
Again and again Persia has been apparently submerged
by Greeks, Parthians, Arabs, Mongols, Tartars, Turks and
Afghans; again and again she has been brolcen up into petty
states ruled by tribal chiefs; and yet she has hitherto always
reemerged as a distinct nation with peculiar and well-marked
idiosyncrasies.
But it is not so much on the political rdle which she has
played in the world's history that I wish to insist as on her
intellectual induence. In the sphere of religion she gave us
Zoroaster, to whose system Judaism, Christianity and Islam
alike are indebted in different degrees; Manes, who, if not of
Persian blood, was a Persian subject, and made Persia the centre
+Pxiv
of that strange and original creed which for many centuries so
profoundly affected both Christianity and Islam, and of which
recent excavations in the sand-buried cities of Chinese Turkistan have
revealed such wonderful literary remains; Mazdak, the
earliest philosophical Communist; Babak called al-K4urramI,
who for so many years defied the armies of the 'Abbasid
Caliphs; al-Mu4anna "the Veiled Prophet of Khurasan," made
familiar to English readers by Thomas Moore and a host of
others, whose very heresies and extravagances testify to the
fertile mind of the nation which produced them. What Islam,
both orthodox and heterodox, owed to Persia it is almost impossible to
exaggerate; Sufis, Isma'll(s, the ShI'a, the Hurufis,
the Babis, all alike reflect the subtle metaphysics of the Persian
mind.
Throughout the wi`3e ]ands of Islam we are met, almost
at every turn, by something which has its roots in Persian
history, whether in Tunis, where the now decaying port of
al-Mahdiyya recalls the dream of 'Abu'llah ibn Maymun of the
ruin of the Arabian and the restoration of the Persian power; or in
Cairo, where the thousand-year-old University of al-Azhar
reminds us of the fulfilment of that wild dream; or in Syria,
where the ancient fastnesses of the "Old Man of the Mountain"
still hold a remnant of his followers, while hard by Acre sends
forth eager missionaries of a new Persian faith to the New
World In Turkey, and thence eastwards to India and Turkistan,
the signs of Persian influence increase, and alike the language, the
thought and the culture of the Turkish and Indian Muslim
are redolent of Persia.
On the value of Persian art and Persian literature it is hardly
necessary to insist, for the beautiful carpets, tiles, pottery and
IJaintings of Persia are esteemed by all who value such things,
ancl though the vast realms of Persian literature have been
systematically explored by only a few in Europe, the names
of some of her poets at least, Firdawsi, Sa'dl, Hafiz, and in
these latter days, especially in the Anglo-Saxon world,'Umar
Khayyam, are known to all educated people, and are reckoned
amongst the great poets of the world. Nor, in considering what
literature owes to persia' must we limit our attention to Persian
literature, for Arabic literature too, if deprived of the
+Pxv
contributions made to it by Persians, would lose much of what
is best in it. And if modern science owes little to Persia, the
name of Avicenna alone is sufficient to remind us how deeply
medieval Europe, as well as A_ia, was indebted to one of her
sons for nearly all that was then known of Philosonhv and
Medicine. In short so conspicuous was the pre-eminence of the
Persians in all branches of know Prophet Muhammad (reported amongst
others by Ibn Khaldun)
runs:
[Calligraphic script follows.]
"Were knowledge in the Pleiades, some of the Persians would reach it."
So much for the intellectual and artistic gifts of the Persians. As to
their character, opinions have varied, for while all who
know them have admitted their wit, their quickness of mind, their
pleasant manners, their agreeable address, their amusing conversation,
their hospitality and dignity, they have been charged
with falsehood, treachery, cowardice, cruelty, subserviency, lack of
principles, instability of purpose, and corrupt morals. These vices
were
undeniably common amongst the creatures of the
Court, with whom naturally Europeans having official positions
in Persia come most in contact, but few who have mixed ofl
intimate terms with all classes of the people, and especially the
middle
class, will assert that these vices are general, or will deny that
where
they exist they are largely the outcome of the intolerable system of
government against which the movement
described in these pages is a protest. Conventional falsehoods,
or "white lies," which deceive nobody, are not confined to the
Persians: we a]so say that we are"not at home"when we are
in, and"much regret"having to decline invitations which nothing
would induce us to accept. That the Persians are by no means
devoid of courage is admitted even by those who have criticised
them very harshly in some respects. R. G. Watson (A History
of Persia in...the Nineteenth Century, p. 10) says that "they ride
courageously at full speed over the very worst ground, and by
the very brinks of the most appalling precipices"; that "they
are utter strangers to the fear that comes of physical nervousness and
that "when their courage fails them, as it too often
+Pxvi
does, the fact is to be attributed to moral causes. "Their soldiers he
describes (p. 24) as remarkably hardy, patient and enduring,
requiring scarcely any haggage, and able to march thirty miles
a day for many successive days, while living on nothing but
bread and onions." "No troops in the world," he says in another
place (p. 200)," it may be safely asserted, are capable of so much
continued endurance of fatigue as are the veteran soldiers of
Persia. "So again (p. z`8), in speaking of the defeat of the
Persians by the ltussians at the battle of Ganja in '826, he says,
CouLl the Shah have convinced himse~of the fact that in his
hardy and obedient subjects he possessed the material for an
army capable at any time of defending his dominions against
invaders, provided that his tro~ps should be properly drilled, the I
lesson would have been cheaply paid for by the disaster of
Ganja. "Again (p. g3), he describes" a forced march which
only Persian troops could accomplish," in which (in ~835) they
traversed a distance of eighty miles in little more than thirty
I hours. And once more (on p. 387) he asserts that"Persian
soldiers are beyond comparison the most hardy, enduring and
I patient troops in the world," and adds that"had the adminis
tration oF the A''tr-~-lVizzi~c (Mirza Taqi Khan) been prolonged, the
King of Persia would have been the master of an army of
one hundred thousand men, regularly drilled and accoutred."
And in describing the battle of Muhammara (March 26, '857),
when the Persians were defeated by the English' he says
(P 45~)-'~TEle Persian artillery and the troops in the batterie;s i
had
acted as vvell as they could have been expected to behave'; they had
served their guns well, and had not shrunk from exposure and labour."
But it is not in the conscript soldiers of a despQlic hth that we
must look for the highest manifestations of Persian courage. It is
when
the Persian is inspired by that enthusiasm for a
person, a doctrine or a cause of which he is so susceptible
that his heroism becomes transcendental. If the Babis have
done nothing else, they have at least sheun how Persians,
when exalted by enthusiasm, can meet death and the most
horrible tortures imaginable, not merely with stoicism but with
ecstasy. Every student of their history, from Gobineau, Kazim
+Pxvii
Beg and Renan onwards, has been equally impressed by this
phonomenon. Without dwelling anew on the history of the
earlier martyrs of 1850 and 185-~; of the Bab's companion in
death resisting the prayers of his wife and children that he would
save
his life by a simple recantation; of Mulla Isma'il of Qum
laughing and the aged dervish Mirza Qurban-iAli reciting poetry
under the headsman's knife; of Sulayman Khan, his body flaming
with lighted w~cks, going with dancin~ and song to his death;
of the patient endurance of abominable sufferings b,y the
beautiful Qurratu'l-iAyn, and of a hundred others, let us see
w~at a missionary in Yazd, writing five years ago, has to say
on this subject!. Pemans have _~y strong notions of ~loyalty
to~th to causes a_d_to individua~ he says (p. ~38,)."Nothing
has brought this out more than the history of the Ei,ab' movemeet,
whichl has certainly exhibited the strength of Persian
character. Boys and young men have in this movement~
willingly undergone the most terrible tortures~ viceJ
of dh5~: spiritua~hers and the common cause~ ' passive
courage," he says in another place (p. t55)," the Yazdi possesses to a
very high degree, b,ut he must have a cause for which he
cares sufficiently, if this courage is to be called out. If the
terrible B',ab,' massacres that h~ave taken place from time to time in
Persia have proved nothing else, they have at least strewn
that there is grit somewhere in Persian character. The way in
~vhich mere lads in Yazd went to their death in that ghastly
sumn~er of ~-go3 was wonde~uL...The early Babis shewed good
fighting qualities in the north of Persea,as well as passive courage,
and, as they were chie~dy townsmen, we may presume that there
are military possibilities in the Persian people, even amongst
those who dwell in cities. "And again (p. '76)," the thing which
has opened people's eyes to the enormous strength of Persian
character under partially favourable moral conditions, is the
in which t~le [,abls have exposed themselves to martyrdom, and
have stood firm to their beliefs and cause under tortures too,
horrible for description"And though this writer, who knew
the Persians well, is by no means sparing in his criticism of
certain sides of their character, he concludes his discussion of
1. Five Years in a Persian Town, by Napier Malcolm, London, 1905.
+Pxviii
it (p. 185) as follows:"Most Europeans who have lived in Persia
find it rather difficult to explain why they like the people. In the
Yazdi there is certainly much to lament, but there is something to
admire, and very much more to like. A people who are
open-handed, good-natured, affectionate,not always extravagantly
conceited, and above all intensely human, are a people one cannot help
getting to like when one lives among them for any time."
Such quotations might be multiplied indefinitely, but I think
that those already given will suffice to shew that I am not alone in
believing that the Persians possess very real virtues, and are
capable,
under happier conditions than those which till lately
prevailed, of recovering the position to which their talents entitle
them. It u ill be observed that those who speak slightingly and
contemptuously of them arc generally citller exponents of Wel`f~olitz,
wllo, because they E~spire to "think in continents," cannot
spare time to investigate with patience and form an independent
judgement of national character; or globe-trotters, who, after a hasty
journey from the Persian Gulf to the Caspian Sea, retail
the stories and opinions they have picked up from Europeans
whom they have met on the way, always with a view to the
entertainment of their readers, and often with preconceived ideas
derived from experiences of other Eastern lands which differ as
much from Persia as Norway does from E'ortugal; or disappointed
concess?on?lalres; or cynical and blase diplomatists.
Those, on the other hand, who have had intimate relations
with the Persrans and are acquainted with their language have
generally found, as Mr Napier Malcolm found, much that is
]oveable and not a little that is admirable in their character.
Speaking for myself, I confess to a very sincere affection for
them! an~a-conviction tl~at the best type of Persian is not onl
the ,~IElFghttul companion ima~inable. but can be one of
the most ~t ful and devoted friends whom it is possible to
The supporters of the movement whereof I have attempted
in the following pages to describe the genesis and trace the
development and history ;~re indifferently spoken of as
"Constitutionalists" (Mashrzi~a kI~JaJ~) and "Nationalists" (Millarf).
Mash,-~ta means"conditior~ed"as opposed to`'absolute"government
+Pxix
and Mashruta-khwah means one who desires such"conditioned"
or constitutional rule, instead of the old autocracy or
absolutism (fstiba'ad?, which made the King the uncontrolled
arbiter of his people's destinies, and the unquestioned master of
their
lives, honour and possessions. Miliat means"the Peopie"
or "the Nation," and is opposed to Dar''ia`, "the State," 'the
Government,', or practically, under the old regime, `' the Court." The
MasAnita-kf~w~, or Constitutionalist, is opposed to the
Musfahzdd, or partisan of the Autocracy, and perhaps these
terms might best be rendered by"Parliamentarian"and
"Royalist. "Here the antithesis is natural and familiar
enough, but the antithesis between the Milla~ and the
Da7vCa'! needs a few words of comment. Undcr ideal conditions
it is evident that there should bc 110 such antithesis,
and that the interests of the State (Dawlat) and of the People or
Nation
(AlilIRf) should be identical, or at least closely related. And the
Persians are by nature so obedient and so loyal to their Kings
`,`"SI'aJ~-parast" 'King-worshippers," as they say) that I do not
myself believe that the demand for o ular or constitutlonal government
would have arisen at all, or at any rate in our
time, if recent Shahs of Persia had strewn themselves even
moderately patriotic, or just, or far-sighted. Against a Shah
Isma'il, an 'Abbes the Great, or a Karim Khan the Persians
would never have revolted. It was when they l~ecame convinced
that their country was despised abroad, that their intere*ts were
betrayed for a vile price, and that their religion and their
independent
existence as a nation were alike threatened with
destruction, that they began to demand a share in the government of
their country. Many European journalists and other
writers have made merry over the idea of a Persian Parliament,
repeating like so many parrots the expression"comic opera"on
almost every page. Yet I venture to think that there was more
reality and more grim determination in this Persian struggle
than in our own English politics, with their lack oF gniding
principles, their conferences, their coalitions, and their sham
conflicts. Throughout the struggle the Persians have consciously been
fighting for their very existence as a Nation,
and in this sense the popular or constitutional party may very
+Pxx
properly be termed"Nationalists. "Yet having regard to
prejudices existing in England, especially at the present timer
the term is not altogether a happy one, and has undoubtedly
done much to prejudice a considerable section of English
opinion against those to whom it is applied. Most men are
ruled by names rather than by ideas, and I have no doubt
that many a staunch Unlonist and many an Anglo-lndian
or Anglo-Egyptian official has transferred to the so-called
"Nationalists" of Persia all the prejudices with which this
term is associated in his mind. The main point, however, on
which I wish to insist is that in Persia the party which is
variously termed" Nationalist," (:onstitutionalist" and "Popular"
is essentially the patriotic party, which stands for progress,
freedom, tolerance, and above all for national independence
and i' Persia for the Persiar~s," and that it was primarily called
into
existence, as will be fully set forth in the following pages, by the
short-sighted, selfish and unpatriotic policy inaugurated Nasiru'd-Din
Shah under the malign influence of the ex-Shah Muhammad 'Ali.
And now a few words as to this book. Not willingly or
without regret have I forsaken for a while the pleasant paths of
Persian
literature to enter into the arid deserts of international politics.
But
the call was imperious and the summons urgent
to neglect nothing of that little which lay in my power in order to
arouse in the hearts of rny countrymen some sympathy for
a people who have, in my opinion, hitherto received less than
they deserve. Powerful interests and prejudices have been
against them, and misapprehensions as to their aims and motives
have prevailed. These misapprehensions I trust that this book
may serve in some measure to dispel.
There are, as 1 am well aware, others who could, if they
would, write a much better and more authoritative account of
the Persian Kevolution than this, but to most of them is applicable
Sa'di's well-knownn line:
[Calligraphic script follows.]
"He who possesses information, repeats if not";
+Pxxi
or the equally familiar verse:
[Calligraphic script follows.]
"He takes the tongue from the guardians of the secret,
Lest they should repeat the secret of the King."
That I have not myself been privileged to witness the events
here described is, I readily admit, a serious disqualification.
But, on the other hand, I have seen and conversed with not a
few of the principal actors ;n these events, while many correspondents
in Persia, both Persians and Europeans, friends and
strangers, knowing, the intensity of my interest in all that
touches Persia's welfare, have been kind enough to communicate
to me a mass of information, out of which, in addition to
what has been published in Blue Books and White Books and
in the Persian and European newspapers, I have endeavoured
to construct a coherent, and, I trust, a critical narrative. And
inasmuch as fro~m mv eighteenth year onwards, that is for
thirty years, hardly a day has passed on which I have not read,
written or spoken Per_an, striving always to penetrate furthe;r
into the spirit of the langua3;e and the mind of the people of
Persial it is possible that I may have entered more fully
into Elicir thoughts! hopes and ideals than many foreigners who
have spent a much longer time in the country than myself.
Moreover the publication of this book will certainLy elicit
information which would otherwise remain hidden and eventually
be lost, just as the publication in Januaryl 1909, of my
Short Ac`:oz~n~ of Recen' ~vents iJZ Persia led directly to the
publication of the excellent"History of the Awakening of the
Persians"(7~a'ri~h-i-Biciariy-i-/raniyaiz) which I have so often had
occasion to cite in these pages.
The system of transliteration of E;ersian names and words
adopted in this book is essentially the same as that which
I have employed in previous works, but I have been more consistent
(some
of my critics will, no doubt, say ' more pedantic")
in its application than heretofore. Persian phonetics are very
simple-simpler than Arabicl where the hard or"coarse"consonants
modify the vowel-sounds! and much simpler than
Turkish-and there is no occasion to complicate them by
+Pxxii
adopting on the one hand Arabic and Turkish pronunciations
such as "Mohammed"(Mahommed," and, still worse, "Mahomed,"
"Mahomet," "Mehmed," end the like, are monstrosities
of which no Orientalist should countenance the use), or, on the
other hand, usages based upon the phonetics of French and
German. There are in Persian only three vowel-sounds, each
of which may be long or short; and it is essential, both to
correct pronunciation and to correct comprehension, to distinguish the
long vowels either by a long mark, or (which I
prefer) by an acute accent. These vowels are:
a (short) as in "man "; a (long) as in "all ";
i (short) , "sin"; ~ (long) , "machine";
~ (short) , "pull"; ~ (long) , "rule"or "pool."
There are also two so-called diphthongs, consisting of the short a
followed by one or other of the weak consonants zo and y.
Of these aw is pronounced exactly as the same combination
is pronounced in Welsh (t' mawr "), or like the English on
("house," "out"), or like the German au ("auf," "aus"); while
ay is pronounced like the English ey in "hay," "may." There
is therefore no occasion to use e and o at all, nor, as a matter of
fact, do those who use them do so consistently. ~hose who
write "Yezd," "Resht," "Enzeli," and the like (to indicate,
presumably,
that the vowel is short), should, to be consistent, also
write "Tebriz," "Hemedan," and "Isfehan. "And if it be said
that some of these inconsistencies are sanctioned by usage, and
that they ought not to be altered, the answer is that it is both
easier
and more philosophical to transliterate on a fixed and
definite principle than to decide in each case whether a given
spelling has or has not been sanctioned by usage. Therefore
even in the case of the most familiar place-names I have rigorously
applied the system which I have adopted, writing always
"Tihran" (not "Teheran"), "Anzal "(not "Enzeli "), "Najaf"
and "Karbala "(not "Nejef" and "Kerbela"). Similarly, in
speaking of the Babis, I have abandoned the spellings "Ezeli"
and "Beha'i," which I formerly used, in Favour of "Azali" and
"Baha'i." It must also be borne in mind that in the case of
Arabic derivatives, which are of constant occurrence in Persian
+Pxxiii
and enter into almost all Persian titles, not only the pronunciation
but also the meaning is often altered by an alteration
in the quantity of a vowel. Thus from the root 7lasara, "to
help,~' we have the verbal noun ?tasr, "help"; the active participle
Hasir, "helper"; and a passive form nasfr, "helped";
and each oF these forms commonly occurs as a component part
of such names or titles as lVasn''d-D~z ("the Help of Religion"),
lVasir'~'a`-Dfiz ("the Helper of Religion "), and Nasirz~'d-Dfn
t' Helped bv Religion "). Were there only the one form, it
would not so much matter if it were inaccurately spelt, since
any scholar who wished to look the word up in the index of an
Oriental history or biography would know what the correct
spelling was; but in the case under consideration the slovenly
transliteration "Nassr-ed-Din"(favoured by the 7~i'~es) leaves
it quite uncertain (apart from particular knowledge of the person or
titles is
meant, and so, in consulting an Oriental index, the three
possibilities must all be kept in view, a circumstance which
causes needless embarrassment to anyone using Oriental as well
as European books. It is not, therefore, mere pedantry which
demands an adequate discrimination.
Although he Persian alphabet comprises 3z letters (ie. the
28 letters of the Arabic alphabet with four additional letters,
~ _ _
,t cJz, zYz and hard ~, required to express sounds occurring ig
Persian
but not in Arabic), the number of consonantal sounds
actually distinguishable does not exceed, if it reaches, ~4, since the
modern Persians (as their own grammarians admit) do not
(unless they affect, as some of the learned do, somewhat of the
Arabian pronunciation) distinguish between ~ (~), , (s) and
,~o (s), ail of which they pronounce like English s in "sin "(never
like
s?; or between ~ (0 and ~ (~); or between S (dJ~), j (z),
'o (z) and ~ (z or dJ2); or between ~ (~) and ~& (~); while the
guttural consonant 'ay'i (') is pronounced feebly, if at all, save by
those who have been influenced by Arabic. Leaving this
out of account, the following 23 symbols represent all tl~e con
sonantal sounds actually employed in Persian: [, ,t, d, t, j (as in
"jam
"), cJ' (as in "churcl1 "), ~ (always aspirated, not only at the
beginning but in the middle and at the end of words), ~ (like
alluded to) which of these equally possible names
+Pxxiv
Welsh or German ch, Spanish j or x, or modern &reek X, never
like k), z, zh (French ,; or the z in "azure "), s, ski, ~ (always
hard,
as in "garden "), B;~ ~ like modern Greek, something like the
Northumbrian r or French rg:rasse,~ri), ~ (much harder and
produced much more deeply in the throat than k), f, r (always
trilled, as in Italian, and never affecting the quality or quantity of
the preceding vo~vel, as in English), f, "z, n, w (inclining to u when
placed between two vowels), and y. Of these sounds
the gutturals kh, gh ano especially 4 are the only ones which
present an), difficulty to an Englishman, and a correct pronunciation
of these is most important if it be desired to avoid
some very grotesque and awkward confusions of "ords It is
best for one who cannot master the correct pronunciation of
these letters to pronounce ~ like, not like k; and gh and y
like hard g, as in ' gold," l~ut these are, of course, only
approximations. The aspiration c~f the h in the middle and at the end
of words also needs attention.
Something must also be said concerning Persian names and
titles, which are ~ery con fusing to foreigners. There are in
Persia no surnames and the number of names in ~eneral use
is not very lar~e, the commonest being those of the Pronhet and
the twelve llrams; the same with a prefix or suffix indicatin~
"servant of..."(eg:. Ghulam 'All, 'Ali-qull, Husayn-qull, Mabdiq~.);
the combir~ation of 'Abd (servant or slave) u ith one of
the Names or Attril~utes of God (e.g. 'Abdu'llah, 'Abdu'r-Rahman,
'Abdu'l-Wahhab, etc.); so~ne names of months (e.g. Ramazan,
Safar, Rajab, generally in combination with a name like 'Ali,
such as Rajab'Alf, Safar 'All); and some old Persian na;nes,
like llustam, Isfandiyar, Elahram, Bahman, etc. Thus ~the
number of Persians bearing na~ncs like Muhammad 'A1l, 'All
Muhammad, MuhalT~mad Hasan, Muhammad Husayn, etc., is so
lar~e that further d~stinction is essential, and this is effected
partly
by prefixing such titles as lJsta, Aqa, Mirza (which, however,
if it iO/f~US the name instead of preceding it, means "Prince "2,
MuLla,
Siyyid, Ha~ji, Kart~ala'i, Mashhadl, and the like; partly by adding
after the name an epithet indicating the town tr,
which the person in question belongs (as Isfahanl, Shiraz;,
S'azd~ or the trade which he follows (as Kit~-f~`rdsh, "the
+Pxxv
bookseller," Nu~z~d-biriz, "the pea-percher," Pfa-dde, "the
cobbler," Sarr4, "the saddler "), or a nick-name, derived from
some personal peculiarity (as Kay-kz~ldh, "Crooked-cap ").
A large proportion of Persians belonging to the official and
learned classes have a title as well as a name and the multitude and
grandiloquence of these titles ~vere severely criticized even in the
eleventh century of our era by the ~reat historian, antiouarY and
mathematician Abu Ravhan aE Blrunl. Those conferred
~ on off;cks are generally compounded with the words ~z~
("Kingdom "), Oawla ("State "), Saita7za ("Sovereignty "),
Sz~ltan ("Sovereign"), etc., e.g. A'nz'~z~c's-S~Ifan ('~he Trusted of
the King"), A)~fn~'d-Dawla ("the Tr~sted of the State",
Wasir'~'l-AluIk "the Helper of the Kin~dom "), 'Ayn?''d-Dawla
("the Eye of the titate "), Mushit7`'d-Sallana ("the Counsellor of the
Sovereignty "), Sa'dz~'d-Dawla ('' the Fortune of the
State"), A?`'tarnad-i-~ian ("the Confidant of the Prince"),
and the like. Military officers have such titles as Sardar-i-As'ad
("the
Most Fortunate Captail'") and Sipal~dar-i-A'~am. ("the
Most Mighty General"), while for doctors of Divinity titles like
Sha~ns?`'l-'lJ/ama ("the Sun of the Learned "), and for physicians
titles like 17akhr'~'l-Atib~ (4'the Pride of Physicians") are deemed
more appropriate. One who possesses a title is generally known
_by_rather than bv his nam~ but if he dies, or is disgraced, or
promoted to a higher title, his original title becomes free, and may
be
conferred on somebody else. This adds greatly to the
difficulty of studying Persian history, for we shall generally find,
at
any period, a N=ama'l-Mulfe, a Mu'`ama^'d-Dewla, etc.,
and it is always necessary to consider what particular person
bore that title at the time in question, To make matters quite clear,
the whole name and title of each person ought to be given, but this
not
only conduces to undue prolixity, but has a somewhat forbidding effect
on the foreign reader. Thus the name of
my friend the Wabl~f~'l(-M'`~z ("Unique one of the Kingdom "),
who was for a time l'ersian teacher at Cambridge, is'Abdu'l-Husayn; he
is originally of the town of Kashan; he has made
the Pilgrimage to Mecca; he has the title of ~fr~a (corresponding
roughly to "Esquire"~vhen placed l~efore the name); and
also the higher title of King" (which always follows the name);
+Pxxvi
so that his full designation is "Hajji Mirza 'Abdu'l-Husayn
Khan-i-I(ishan! Wah~''f-At2~. "This appallin~ complexity
of normenclature is no doubt one of the ~reat obstacles to the
popularization of Persian history. Nor are the titles easily
remembered unless their signification be understood, and the
only alternative would appear to be to translate them and use
their English equivalents, though the e~ect of this would he
rather quaint, as may be seen by applying this operation to
five lines (~4-~8) on p. ~65 of this book, which would then read: "The
King then moderated his demands, merely asking for
the expulsion of some of tl~e deputies (Taqf's son, He-whose-
counsel-is-sought-by-the-State, and Master Help-of-God), and
the great preachers Mastcr Beauty-of-the-Faith and Pilgrim
King-of-the-Orators."
Throughout this book I have, as a rule, placed titles in italics, but
not always, else the name of the lately deposed Sh~h,
Muhammad 'Ah, would have been in roman type, and that
of his grandfather ~Ja's~rn'd-~ ("the Helper of the Faith")
in ilalics, whicll seemed to rne incongrnous.
I should like in conclusion to thank the numerous friends
who have aided me in the co[npilation of this work, and especially
Mirzi
Muhammad of Q;`zwin, wllo read all the proofs and
supplied me w ith numerous valuable notes and corrections;
Shayl~h Hasan of Tal~nz, who gave me similar assistance for
part of the book; and~Mr Alfred llogers, who l~indly undertook
the laborious task of preparing the Index. My thanks are also
due to the University Press for the care and taste to which this book,
and the illustrations wllich it contains, owe so much, and to many
friends and correspondents in Persia who have supplied
me with information, suggestions and illustrative materials.
The warm sympathy with the Persians by which several of
them are animated has done much to kindle and sustain my
own enthusiasm' and it is my earnest hope that tbis book may
do the same for others.
EDWARD G. BROWNE.
September 3, 1910.
+P1
CHAPTER I.
SIYYID JAMALU'D-DIN, THE PROTAGONIST
OF PAN-ISLAMISM.
In the summer of 1902 I was requested to deliver a lecture
on Pan-Islamism to the University Extensionists who were then
visiting Cambridge. In that lecture I expressed some doubts as
ta the existence of Pan-Islamism, which I defined, somewhat
flippantly perhaps, in the words of a Muhammadan friend, as
"a mare's nest discovered by the Vienna correspondent of the
Times. "I still think the term open to objection, since Pan-
Islamism is generally understood in the West as connoting a
certain quality of "fanaticism," and it is certainly no more
fanatical than Pan-Germanism, or Pan-Slavism, or British Imperialism,
and, indeed, much less so, being, in the first place,
defensive, and, in the second, based on the more rational ground of a
common faith, not on the less rational ground of a common
race. But without doubt recent events have done much to
create amongst the Muslim nations a sense of brotherhood and
community of interests. Just as the activity of Trades Unions
led to the formation of Masters~ Unions, so the threatened
spoliation of the few remaining independent Muhammadan
States (Turkey, Persia and Morocco) by European Powers,
acting singly or in conjunction, has awakened these states to
a sense of their common dangers, and is gradually but inevitably
leading
them towards a certain solidarity. In this sense we
may, if we choose, speak of a Pan-Islamic movement.
The awakening of the Muslim world, of which more or less
striking manifestations, political or religious, have taken place
within
the last thirty or forty years in Turkey, Persia, Egypt'
Morocco, the Caucasus, the Crimea and India, was, without
+P2
doubt, greatly accelerated and accentuated by the Japanese
victory over Russia, which demonstrated that, equally armed
and equipped, Asiatics were perfectly capable of holding their
own in the field against even the most formidable armies of
Europe. But that awakening goes back very much further.
The Turkish reform movement, inaugurated by Shinas~ Effendi,
~iya Pasha and Kemal Bey, the first of the so-called "Young
Turks"( Ye,~i 7~urkler, more correctly "New Turks "), goes back
nearly fifty years', culminated in the granting of the Constitution on
l~ecember z3, '87G, languished during the dark days of the
Russo-Turkish war, and appeared to have been completely
stifled under the repressivre rule of Sultan 'Abdutl-Hamld until its
sudden, glorious and utterly unexpected revival on July 24'
1908, almost exactly a month after the destruction by the Shah
and his Russian mercei~aries of the first Persian Parliament.
The Egyptian national movement, which began about ~87' and
culminated in the revolt of'Arab1 Pasha and the British Occupation of
Egypt in :88z, is still very far from extinction, and has
shown various signs of activity during the last few years. The
Persian "Risorgimento," which culminated in the granting of
the Constitution by the late Muzaffaru'd-Din Shah on August 5,
1906, and was checked, though only for a time, by the co~p d'/iat of
~une z3, '~o8, really dates back, so far as its outward mani
festations are concerned, to the successful agitation against the
Tobacco Monopoly in ~89~, while the ideas which gave rise to
that unexpected outburst of popular discontent began to be
promulgated h~ Persia, at least five or six years earlier, by the
remarkable man of whom I propose to give some brief account
in this chapter.
It is a matter still open 'to discussion wilether great men give rise
to great movements, or great movements to great men, but
at least the two are inseparable, and in this movement towards
the unity and freedom of the Muslim peoples none played so
conspicuous a ?~OA/e as Siyyid Jam~'tlu'd-Dhl, a man of enormous force
of character, prod~glous learning, mltiril]2, activity dauntless For
an
excellent account oF the literary aspects of the "Young Turkish "mo~e
ment, see Vol. Y of the late hIr E. J V. Gibb's History of Ottoman
Poetry (London: Luzac, '907), especially Chapter I on "The Dawn of a
New
Era."
+P3
courage, extraordinary eloquence both in ~eech and writing, and
an appearance equally strikin~ and majestic. He was at once
philosopher, writer, orator and iourrialist1 but above all politician,
and was re~arded by his admirers as a great patriot and by his
antagonists as a dan~erous agitator. He visited, at one time or
another, most of the lands of Islam and a great many European
capitals, and came into close relations, sometimes friendly, more
often
hostile, with many of the leading men of his time, both in the East
and
the West.
The materials for his biography are fortunately copious, but
are mostly in Arabicl. There is a short account of his life
prefixed to the Arabic translation of his Refutation of ~the
Maferzalists (originally composed in Persian at Haydar-abad
in the Deccan about ~ 880), published at Beyrout in ~ 885-6
(A.H. ~303). Another biography, carried down to his death in
t8g7, is given in the second part of Jurji Zaydan's Mash~hiru'sh-Shar~
(`'~astern Celebrities"), pp. 54-66, published at Cairo
in 1903. Still more recently the Egyptian magazine ai-Mandr
has published, and is still publishing, new and copious materials
illustrating almost every phase of his active and eventful
career. His greatest and most eminent disciple was Shaykh
Muhammad 'Abduh, the late Grand Muft' of Egypt, who,
though undoubtedly one of the greatest Muhammadan thinkers
and teachers of our time, was proud to call Siyyid Jamalu'd-
Din his master. They first met in Egypt about 1871, and
from this date onwards we have ample and trustworthy materials
for the Siyyid's biography, but for his early life and adventures we
have practically but one account, which is not only somewhat
meagre, but presents this difficulty, that while it represents
Afghanistin as his birth-place and the scene of his youthful
ac~evements, it is affirmed by all Persians. and by so great
an authority on Persian affairs as General Houtum Schindler,
Since this chapter was written I have received from Persia the
opening portion of a most admirable flis~o?y of ~h' Azoakei~ of thr
Pcrsians (7a'rikh-i-13f~, t-i ~iy3~, compiled by ~drimu'f-lsidm of
Kirman, and enriched with riumerous documents of great historical
importance. The Introduction to this work, of which 11: pages are now
in my hands, contains a long account of Siyyid Jamalu'd-Din. I shall
refer to it in the foot~notes as "rhe Awaksnig," and shaU quote more
fully from it in a Note at the end of the volume.
+P4
that he was in reality born not at As'ad-abad near Kabul, but
at Asad-ab~`d near Hamadan in Persia, in which case he can
[ardly have been so closely associated with Afghan politics in
iSS7~8 as he asserts. It has been suggested that, bein'~r in
reality a Persian, he claimed to be an Nfghan, partly in order
to be able to pass more conveniently as an orthodox SunnL
Muhammadan, and partly ir~ order to withdraw himself fror,1
the dubious "protection" accorded by the Persian government
to its subiectsl.
According to his own account, then, Siyyid Muhammad
Jamalu'd-Din was born in the village of As'ad-~`bad near Kanar,
a dependency of Kabul, in the year A.H. 1254 (= A.~. 1838-9~.
His father was Siyyid SaDdar, who claimed to be descended
from the great traditionist Siyyid 'All at-Tirmidhi, and ultimately
from
the Prophet's grandson al-Husayn, the son of 'Al',
the son of Abu Talib. While he was still a ch~ld, his father
moved to Kabul2, the capital of Afghc'mistan. From his childhood he
shewed great intelligence and quickness of apprehension,
and when he was eight years old his father himself undertook
his education9. During the succeeding ten years his studies
embraced almost the whole range of Muslim sciences, namely,
Arabic grammar, philology and rhetoric in all their branches,
~ This question is fully discussed i'1 the Awe~ni?`gaf `fic P=ssas
lpp.
96-97, etc.~. The author of that work gi~es a Persian translation of
the
account which appears in the Arabic sources here cited, and then
produces evidence to show that Siyyid Jamalu'd-Din was really a
Persian,
and only assumed the title of Afghan from the motives which I have
suggesle~l in the text, regarding Persian nationality as but poor
guarantee of security. It is stated in one of the biographies that
Dust
Muhammad Khan,
the grandfather of the Arnir 'Abdu'r-Rahman Khan, cor~fiscated Siyyid
Safdar's property and c'?mpelle~l hin~ to reside at ICabul, presumably
in order that he might keep him under closer super`-ision. 3 According
to the A~ua~nsag of ~hc Pcrlia~sr, Siyyid Jan~alu'd-Din's birth~place,
Asarl-abad, is situated 7 parasangs from Hamadan and 5 from
Kangawar, and contains about 8r~o households con~prising some 40co
souls. Many of Ja~nalu'd-Din~s rel:rlio~'s still liv-e tl~ere. Iiis
father, Sayyirl .SaRlar, was poor and illiternte. I rorrZ his fifth to
his tenth ye:`r Siyyid Jamalu'd-Din stl'dierl in tl~e local school.
ancl
:~t eight coulc, read and u rile Persian and also knew Turhish. At the
age of ten he ran away from his father, and went successively to
Hamadan, Isfahan, and bIashbad, and later to Afghanistan, where he
learned some English. He refused, however, to a~ln~it his Persian
nalionality, and disliked any reference to his conneclion ~vith Asad-
abad near Hamadan.
+P5
history, Muslim theology in all its branches, Sufiism, logic,
philosophy, practical and theoretical, physics and metaphysics,
mathematics, astronomy, medicine, anatomy, etc.
At the age of eighteen he visited India, where he remained
or a year and some months, during which time he learned
something of the European sciences and their methods. From
India he performed the pilgrimage to Mecca' whither he journeyed in a
leisurely fashion, ultimately reaching the sacred city
in A.H. 1,73 (=A.D. 1887). He then returned to his own
country and entered the service of Dust Muhammad Khan,
whom he accompanied in his campaign against Herdt, which
was occupied by his cousin and son-in-law, Sultan Ahmad
Shah.
Dust Muhammad died and was succeeded by Shar 'Ali in
A.H. 128O (=A.C. 1864). At the advice of his woz~r, Muhammad
Raflq Khan, the new Amir prepared to seize and imprison his
three brothers, Muhammad A'zam, Muhammad Aslam, and
Muhammad Amin, to the first-named of whom Siyyid Jamalu'd-Din
had attached himself. The brothers fled, each to his
own province; civil war ensued; and ultimately Muhammad
A'zam and his nephew, ~Abdu'r-Rahman (the late Amir), occupied
the capital, released Muhammad Afzal, the father of
fAbdu'r-Rahman, from the prison in which he was confined at
Ghazna, and proclaimed him Amir. He died, however, about a
year later, and was succeeded by Muhammad A'zam, who made
Siyyid Jamalu'd-Din his prime minister, and, guided by the
Siyyid's wise statecraft, might have succeeded in bringing the
whole country under his control but for his jealousy of his
relatives and his unwillingness to employ any of them, save
the youngest and most inexperienced of his own sons, in his
service.
Meanwhile the rival Amir, Shir 'All, continued to occupy
Qandahar, where he was presently attacked by one of his
nephews, a son of Muhammad A'zam, who hoped by some
doughty deed to secure his father's special favour. Instead of
this, however, he rashly isolated himself, with some two hundred of
his
men, from the bulk of his army, and was taken prisoner by Ya'qub Khan,
one of Shir 'All's generals. Thus encouraged, Shir
+P6
All renewed the war with vigour, and, supported by the English,
who supplied him liberally with money, he ultimately succeeded
in vanquishing his brother, Muhammad A'zam and his nephew
'Abdu'r-Rahman, of who~ the former escaped to Nishapur in
Persia, where he died a feu, months later, and the latter to
Bukhara.
Siyyid Jamalu'd-D;n, however, remained at Kabul, protected
from Shir 'Al`'s vengeance alike by his holy descent and his
personal influence with the people; but after a while he deemed
it prudcut to leave his country, and so asked and obtained permission
to perform again the pilgrimage to Mecca. This was
accorded to him, on condition that he avoided passing through
Persia, where it was feared that he might foregather with his
late master Muhammad A'zan1, and he accordingly set out for
Mecca by way of India in A.H. 1285 (A.~. ~86g). There he was
received w ith honour by the Indian gosernment, which, however,
prevented him from meeting the leaders of Muslim opinion save
under its supervision, and, a month after his arrival, sent him in one
of its ships to Suez. Thence he visited Cairo for the first
time, and remained there forty days, frequenting the great
11niversity of al-Azhar, holding cmlverse with many of its
teachers and students, and lecturing to a chosen few in his
own lodging.
Instead of proceeding to Mecca, Siyyid Jamilu'd-Din decided
to visit Constantinople, where he was ~vell received by'5ll Pasha, the
Grand Wazlr, and other notables of the Ottoman capital.
Six months after his arrival he was elected a member of the
~4?yi`'''an-i-DAn~s12, or (urkish Academy, and in Ramazan,
A.H. ~87 (Nov.-Dec., 1870) he was invited by Tahsin Effendi,
the director of the Dff,~c'l-ti`~' or University, to deliver an
address
to the students. At first he excused himself, on the
ground of his inadequate knowledge of Turkish, but ultimately
he consented He wrote out his speech in Turkish and submitted
it to Safvet Pasha, who v~as at that time Minister of Pul~lic
Instruction, and also to Shirvam-Zade, the Minister of Police,
and Mun~f Pasha, all of whom approved it. Unhappily the
Shaykhu'l-Islam, Hasan Fehml Effendi, was jealous of the
Siyyid, whose influence he was eager to destroy, and when
+P7
the latter delivered his address to a large and distinguished
audience, which included many eminent Turkish statesmen and
journalists, he was watching carefully for some expression on
account of which he might be able to impugn the speaker's
orthodoxy. Now the Siyyid in his address compared the body
politic to a living organism, of which the limbs were the different
crafts and professions, and he described the king, for instance, as
corresponding to the brain, iron-workers to the arms, farmers to the
liver, sailors to the feet, and so on. Then he said: "Thus is the body
of human society compounded. But a body cannot live
without a soul, and the soul of this body is either the prophetic or
the
philosophic faculty, though these two are distinguished by the fact
that
the former is a divine gift, not to be attained by endeavour, but
vouchsafed by God to such of his servants as He
pleases..., while the latter is attainable by thought and study. They
are also distinguished by this, that the prophet is immaculate and
faultless, while the philosopher may go astray and fall
into error...."
The Shaykhu'l-Islam, Hasan FehmI Effendi, seized upon these
words, and accused Siyyid Jamalu'd-Din of describing the prophetic
office as an "art "or "craft," and the prophet as an
"artificer'? or "craftsman."The matter was taken up in the
pulpit and the press, and warmly debated on both sides, the
Siyyid insisting upon defending himself and refusing to let the
agitation work itself out, until finally, for the sake of peace
and quietude, the Turkish Government ordered him to leave
Constantinople for a time. Thereupon he again returned to
Egypt, where he arrived on March ~, ~87~.
Siyyid Jamalu'd-D[n's original intention was to remain in
Egypt only a short while, but Riy~z Pasha met him, was greatly
impressed by his abilities, and obtained for him a government
allowance of a thousand piastres a month, "not for any specific
services, but to do honour to an illustrious visitor."Students
and others whom his fame had reached Rocked to him and
persuaded him to lecture to them in his house, and he expounded
to enthusiastic audiences some of the most advanced
text-books on various branches of Lluhammadan theology,
philosophy, gunsprudence, astronomy and mysticism. His influence
+P8
and fame continued to increase in Egypt, and he began
to direct his attention to teaching his students the art of literary
expression, encouraging the~n to write essays and articles on
various subjects, literary, philosophical, religious and political.
Hitherto there had been but few capable writers in Egypt, the
most eminent at that time teeing 'Abdu'llah Pasha Fikn, Khayn
Pasha, Muhammad Pasha, Mustafa Pasha Wahbf and a few
others; but now, thanks to the Siyyid's efforts, the number
of able young writers increased rapidly.
Here again, however, he aroused enmity and 3ealousy in
certain quarters. The old-fashioned theologians reprobated his
attempts to revive the study of philosophy, while Mr (afterwards Lord)
Vivian, the British Consul-General, suspicious of his ~oolitical
activities, succeeded in inducing Tawftq Pasha, who had
recently succeeded as Khedive, to order his expulsion from Egypt,
together with that of his faithful disciple, Abu Turabl.
This happened in September, ~879, and the Siyyid again made
his way to India, and took up his abode at Haydar-abad in the Deccan,
where, as has been already mentioned, he composed his
Refilmlion of ll~e Materialisis, of which the original Persian text
was
lithographed ill A.H. 1298 (= A.n. 1881).
In ~882 the' Young Egyptian"movement, with which Siyyid
Jamalu'd-D1n had identified himself, and which aimed primarily
at limiting the Khedive's e~ctravagance and autocratic power and
checking foreign intervention and control, culminated in the revolt of
'Arab; Pasha, the bombardment of Alexandria, the battle of
Tel-el-Keb~r and the British occupation. Before hostilities broke out
Siyyid Jamalu'd-Din was summoned by the Indian Government
from Haydar-abad to Calcutta, and there detained until
the struggle was over and the Egyptian Nationalists were
defeated, when he was permitted to leave India. He came
first to London, where he remained only a few days, and then
went to Paris, `~,here he abode for three years.
While at Paris he was joined by his friend and disciple
1. According to the Awakening of Persia, (p. 98), Abu Turab
was originally in the service of the great Mujtahid Aqa Siyyid
bluhan~mad Tabataba'i but was led by his devotion to Siyyid
Jamal'u-Din to attach himself to him and accompany him on his
journeys.
+P9
Shaykh Muhammad 'Abduh, the late MuftI of Egypt', who had
been exiled from his country on account of his participation in
the Nationalist struggle of ~88z, and these two started an Arabic
weekly
newspaper entitled al-'Ur:oatu'l- Wuth~7a, mainly political and
strongly
anti-English. Of this paper, which also bore the
French title Je Lie?` ~disso~6Ce, and was edited from No. 6 in
the Rue Martel, I possess only one copy, No. ~7, dated September z5,
~884, from which date it may be inferred that it was
founded about hiay of that year. The next number (No. t8)
was the last, for the British Government, alarmed at the fierceness of
its attacks, and at its growing influence, stopped its entrance into
India and probably employed other means to put an end to
its existence. While in Paris, Siyyid Jamalu'd-Din, who had
succeeded in learning a certain amount of ~ rench, gave publicity to
his
views in the European Press, and also carried on a philosophical
controversy with Renan on '` Islam and Science."His
political articles on England, Russia, Turkey and Egypt were
largely quoted in the English Press, and he was regarded by the
leading English politicians of that time as a personality equally
remarl;able and formidable. In spite of this, he came to London
during this period (in ~ 885) and was interviewed by Lord
Randolph Churchill, Sir Drummond Wolff' and I think Lord
Salisbury, who wished to learn his views as to the Mahd! who
had appeared in the Sudan, and especially, as would appear from
Mr Wilfrid Blunt's narrative, as to the possibility of coming to terms
with him.
On the collapse of aJ-'Urwatu'l-W'`/J~qa, Siyyid Jamalu'd-Din
left Paris for Moscow and St Petersburg, where he was
accorded a very favourable reception, and where he remained
four years2. During this period he rendered a great service
1. An excellent and very full biography of the late Mufti by his
friend
and disciple Siyyid Muhammad Rashld Riza, editor of the
monthly Arabic review al-Mandr. was published at Cairo in A.H. 1334
(A.D. 1906). I possess only Vols. II and Ill, of which the fonner
contains 560 and the latter 428 pages.
2. He appears to have visited Russia twice at least, once in 1885,
after
his failure to arrive at any satisfactory understanding with the
English
Govemment, and again in 1889, after his meeting with Nasiru'd-Din Shah
at Munich, when the Aminu's-Sultan entrusted him with a confidential
mission to the Russian Foreign Office. According to the biography in
the
Mashahiru'sh-Sharq (p. 62), the Siyyid first visited Persia in
response
to a telegraphic invitation from Nasiru'd-Din Shah ear]y in 1886, was
made Minister of war, visited the Zillu's-Sultan at Isfahan, and was
finally permitted to leave the countr`y ror change Gf a;r,' whereupon
be went to Russia. His second visit to Persia was in '889, and his
second expulsion in 1890.
+P10
to the Muslim subjects of Russia by inducing the Tsar to allow
them to print the Q''r'nn and other religious books.
While the Siyyid was still resident at the Russian capital, it
was visited by Nasiru'd-lDin Shah of Persia, who expressed a
desire to meet him, but he ignored the royal intimation, though
shortly afterwards a meeting between the two took place at
Munich. The Sh'th urged the Siyyid to retur~j~h~jm~o
Persia, offering to make hi rn Prime Minister, but he at first
~ed, on the ground that he wished to visit the Paris Exhibition, until
l~e was finally overcome bv the Shahts insistencg, in spite of the
warnings of his friend Shaykh ~Abdu'l-Qadir al-MaghribL
who said to him," How can he invite you to fill such a position,
seeing
that you are notorious for your efforts to strengthen the Sunni faith
7"To this the Siyyid replied, `'DIere fancy and
folly on his part," but nevertheless he accompanied the Shah to
Persia and remained there for some time. After a while, however,
observing an unf;~vourable change in the Shah's attitude
towards him, he asked perInission to return to Europe, which
was refused him with some discourtesy. Thereupon he took
roast in the Shrine of Shah 'Ahdu'L-'Azim, where he remained
seven months. His hostility to the Shah was now declared:
he denounced him in speech and writing, advocated his
deposition, and gathered round himself a number of disciples,
of whom twelYe were esp~p~t. Amongst these were
included Shaykh tAlf of Qazwin, one of the chief judges (~oyndi-
i'~liyra) in the time of the fi rst National Assembly of Persia, and
one of the captives in the Bagh-;-Shah, oh whom the ex-Shah's
wrath fell most hea`'ily; Mirza ~qa Khan, afterwards sub-editor
of the I,ersian ~kiztar,r"Star") at Constantinople, ultimately put to
death secretly at Tabrtz with Shaykh Ahtmad of Kirman on
July 17, 1896; Mirza RizI of Kirman, who shot N7asiru'd-D'n Shah on
May
1, 1896, and was hanged at Tihran on Au~ust 12 of the
same year; and Mirza Muhammad 'Ali Khan of Tibrin, who
composed a work in refutatiotl of religions (Radd-i-Madhahib).
Finally the Shah decided on deporting him from the country,
+P11
though it involved the serious step of violating the renowned
sanctuary in which he had taken refuge, and sent a body of
500 horsemen to arrest him (though he was at the time confined
to his bed by illness), and convey him under escort to the
Turkish frontier. This act caused great indignation amongst
the Siyyid's admirers, and, as will appear from a later chapter, was
one
of the chief causes which brought about the death of
Nasiru'd-~In Shah in '8g6.
I do not know the date of Siyyid Jamalu'd-Din's expulsion
from Persia, but it must have been about the end of '890 or
in the early part of 189~. In the autumn of ~89~ he was in
London, and I met him by invitation of the late Prince Malkom
Khan at the house in Holland Park which, until that eminent
diplomatist's quarrel with the Shah in- ~889, was the Persian
Legation. My personal impressions of the Siyyid will be given
in the subsequent chapter dealing with the Tobacco Concession.
Durin~ his stay in London he addressed several meetings and
wrote sundry articles on_"the Rei~n of Terror in Persia,"
attacking the Shah's character, and even his sanity, with ~reat
violence.
In ~892 the Siyyid again went to Constantinople. where the
remainin~ five years of his life were spent. The Sultan
'Abdu'l-Hamid, with whom he stood in high favour, at any rate
until a year before his death, asked him to discontinue his
attacks on the Shah of Persia, saying that the Persian Ambassador had
thrice approached him on the subject, and that, though
he had excused himself from intervening on the first two
occasions, he had finally promised to use his influence in the
way proposed. To this the Siyyid replied, "In obedience to
the commands of the Caliph of the age, I forgive the Shah of
Persia, I forgive the Shah of Persia."Then the Sultan said,
"Verily the Shah of Persia stands in great fear of you."This
fear, as subsequent events showed, was not unfounded.
On the assassination of Nisiru'd-Din Shah on May 1, 1896,
by Mirza Muhammad Riza of Kirman, suspicion, which had at
first (unjustly enough) fallen on the Babis, soon fell qo Siyyid,
Jamalu'd-Din, on another of his disciples Mirza Aqa Khan, and
on Shaykh Ahmad of Kirman and Hajji Mirza Hasan Khan
+P12
Khabiru'l-Mulk, and the extradition of these four was demanded
by the Persian from the Turkish government. The
three last-named were finally surrendered to the Persian
authorities, and were secretly put to death at Tabriz, as will be more
fully narrated in the subsequent chapter dealing with the
assassination of Nasiru'd-Din Shah, but the Sultan refused to
surrender Siyyid lamalu'd-Dm. The question of his nationality
was raised at this time, for if he had been really an Afghan, he would
have been entitled to claim protection, or at least a fair trial, from
the British Embassy, since Afghinistan has no representatives abroad,
and England is responsible for safeguarding
the interests of her subjects in foreign countries. The Siyyid,
however, whether because he was not really an Afg,han, or
because he did not wish to be indebted for his safety to a Power of
which he had consistently proclaimed his detestation, seems
to have left himself in the Sultan's hands' and the Sultan, as
already said, declined to give him up.
Touards the end of ~896 he was attacked by cancer of the
jaw, w-hl~h soon spread to the ne~,
t8~7, and he was buried with great pomp and circumstance m
the "ShavEhs' Cemetery"(SIzeyieJ~ler Mezarlif:J:i) near Nis~
Tash. It is asserted by most Persians, and denied by most
~s, that he did not die a natural death, but was inoculated in
the lip with some poisonous matter, which caused a pathological
condition superficially resembling cancer, by one of the Sultan's
courtiers named Abu'l-Huda. Al-'ilmn 'inda'll~-"God alone
knoweth!"
Such, in brief outline, was the career of this remarkable
man, who, during a period of at least twenty years, probably
influellced the course of events in the Muhamlnaclall East more
than any other of his contemporaries. To write his history in
full would be to write a history of the whole Eastern Question
in recent times, including in this survey Afghinistan and India, ancl,
in a much greater degree, Turkey, Egypt, and l~ersia, in
wllich latter countries his inRuence is still, in different ways, a
living force. A bare record of the events of his life does not
adequately reveal him. Ha~ing striven to describe his career
impartially, concealing nothing that I know, and extenuating
+P13
nothing, I am conscious that a majority of those of my country
men who have read this chapter thus far will unhesitatingly put
him down as a singularly dangerous and unscrupulous intriguer,
who was prepared to go to any length to attain his ends.
Before discussing more fully his political ideas, and the one
deep and passionate conception which consistently underlay
them, I shall, in order to pourtray the man more clearly, give in an
abridged form the account of his personal characteristics
which concludes his biography in the Mash~lYu'sh-Sharq.
In appearance he was of dark complexion, like an Arab of
the Hijaz, squarely built, thick-set and sturdy, with Rashing
black eyes. His glance was penetrating, notwithstanding the
fact that he was short-sighted, and, since he would not wear
glasses, he was obliged to hold any book which he read close to
his eyes. He wore his hair long, did not shave, and habitually
dressed in the fashion prevalent amongst the 'ulamd of Constantinople.
He ate sparingly, generally once a day, but drank tea,
in true Persian fashion, continually. He was also a confirmed
smoker, and so particular as to the quality of his tobacco that he
always bought it himself. Unlike most Asiatics, he preferred
cigars to cigarettes. During his final residence in Constantinople he
received (75 T. a month from the tiuitan, who also
provided him with a house at Nishan Tash, with furniture,
and a carriage and horses from the Royal stables. He generally
stayed at home all day, and only drove out to the Sweet Waters
of Europe (Kyaghid-Khand), or some other pleasure-resort of
the Turkish capital, towards evening. He slept little, retiring
late and rising early. He received those who came to visit him
with kindness and courtesy, the humblest as much as the most
distinguished, but was chary of paying visits, especially to
persons of high rank. In speech he was clear and eloquent,
always expressing himself in choice language, and avoiding
colloquial and vulgar idioms, but carefully adapting his words to the
capacity of his hearers. As a public speaker he hacl har(lly a rival
in
the East. He was serious and earnest in speech and
little given to jesting or frivolous talk. He was abstemious in
his life, caring little for the things of this world; bold and
fearless
in face of danger, frank and genial, but hot-tempered, affable
+P14
towards all, but independent in his dealings with the great. It
is related that when he was expelled from Egypt, he arrived at
Suez with empty pockets. The Persian Consul, accompanied by
several Persian merchants, offered him a sum of money, either
as a loan or a gift, but he refused it, caying, "Keep your money, for
you need it more than I do. The lion, whithersoever he goes, will find
the wherewithal to eat."His intellectual powers and
his quick insight and discernment were equally remarkable,
so that he seemed able to read men's thoughts before they had
spoken. He possessed a wonderful personal magnetism and
power of carrying his hearers with him. His knowledge was
extensive, and he was especially versed in ancient philosophy,
the philosophy of history, the history and civilization of Islam, and
all the Muhammadan sciences. He was a good linguist,
and learned l;rench in three months without a master sufficiently well
to read and translate. He knew the Arabic, Turkish,
Persian and Afghan languages well, together with a little
English and Russian'. He was a Yoracious reader, especially of
Arabic and Persian books. He appears never to have married,
and to have been indifferent t~_
The~concluding E~aragraph of his biography in the
Alashabirn'sJ'-Sk:erq,
which summarizes his political aspirations, runs
as follows (pp. 65, 66):
"It will be gathered from this brief summary of his life and
deeds that the goal to~vards which all his actions were directed, and
the pivot on which all his hopes turned, was the unanimity
of Islam and the bringing together of all Muslims in all parts of the
world into one Islamic Empire under the protection of one
Supreme Caliph2. In this endeavour he spent all his energies,
and for this end he abandoned all worldly ambitions, taking
to himself no wife and adopti'~g no profession. Yet withal he
failed in his endeavour, and died without leaving any written
1. So also in the Awakening of the Persians (p. 98) it is stated that
he knew these seven languages, and of Turkish two dialects, that of
the
Ottoman Empire, and the Persian-Turkish dialect of Hamadan.
2. According to the A'un~ni~sg (p. IO]) he found~ at Mecca a
Pan-Islamic
Society named Umn:~`'i-Qurd, which 3 imed at creating one Caliph ot
the
whole Muslin' world, either at Constantinople or KuFa. It printed and
circulated its rules and constitution, but was suppressed by Sultan
'Abdu'l-Hamid within a year of its foundation.
+P15
record of his thoughts and aspirations save his treatise in
refutation of the materialists and sundry isolated letters and
pamphlets on various subjects, of some of which mention has
been already made. But he raised up a living spirit in the hearts of
his
friends and disciples which stirred their energies and
sharpened their pens, and the East has profited and will profit
by their labours '."
Siyyid Muhammad Rash1d' the editor of al-Mazzar, has
published three noteworthy documents from the pen of Siyyid
Jamalu'd-D~n, which illustrate in a remarkable manner both the
nature and the extent of the influence exerted by him on the
course of the events in Persia which will be dealt with in the
following chapters. The first of these documents is the letter
which he addressed to Hajji M;rza Hasan-i-Shlrazi, one of the
chief Mzzjtabid~s at Samarra', whereby that high ecclesiastic was
stirred to take action in the matter of the Tobacco Concession,
and so to take the first step in identifying the powerful clergy of
Persia with the popular or Nationalist party. The two others are
articles contributed in February and March, 1892, to an Arabic
periodical entitled .Ziya'u'l-K/zafiqayn i~"The Light of the Two
Hemispheres "), both of which deal with the state of Persia at
that time. To each of these the editor has added a few pregnant
remarks, which I shall translate, together with selected portions of
Siyyid Jamalu'd-Din's letters, since these are too long to be
translated
here in full.
LETTER TO THE CHIEF MUJTAHID, WRITTEN FROM
BASRA TO SAMARRA 3.
In the Name of God the Merciful the Forgiving.
"The truth I tell: verily this letter is an invocation to the
spirit of the Muhammadan Law, wherever it is found and
1 It is worth noting that these words vvere written by a Syrian
Christian, not by a Muslim. They vvere published five years ago, since
when it has been abundantly Shown-especially in Persia-that the forces
set in motion by Siyyid Jamalu'd-Din are still actively at work.
2. He died in March, 1895.
3. The text of this letter, ~Yhich must ha~e beeli written
irnmediately
after Siyyid Jamalu'd-Din's expulsion from Persia in 1891, is also
given
in the Awakening of the Persians (pp. 108 et seqq.). The mujtahid's
fatwa, ordering all true believers to abstain frun1 tobacco until tl~e
Concession was withdrawn, was issued early in December in that year,
but
the agitalion against the Concession was aIready violent in the
preceding June. The texl of this brief but importantfatwa is given on
p. 16 of the Awakening.
+P16
wherever it dwells, and an appeal made by the people to all true souls
~vho believe in this La`v and strive to give it effect, whencesoever
they have arisen and wheresoever they flourish, to wit
the doctors ('uicz?~za) of Islam. And this appeal I desire to make
unto
all of these, though it be addressed to one in particular.
"Pontiff of the people, Ray of the Imams' Light, E,illar of
the edifice of Religion, Tongue attuned to the exposition of the
Perspicuous Law, Your lleverence Hajji MIrza Muhammad
Hasan of Shiraz-may God protect by your means the fold of
Islam, and avert the plots of the vile unbelievers!
"God hath set thee apart for this supreme vice-gerency, to
represent the Most Great Proof, and hath chosen thee out of the
true communion, and hath committed to thy hands the reins to
control the people conformably to the most luminous Law, and
to protect their rights thereby, and to guard their hearts from
errors and doubts therein. He 1lath entrusted to thee of all
mankind (so that thou art become the heir of the Prophets) the
care of those weigllty interests wherel?y the people shall prosper in
this world and attain happiness hereafter. He hath assigned
to thee the throne of authority, and hath bestowed on thee such
supremacy over his people as empowers thee to save and defend
their country and testify for them to the ways of those who
have gone before.
"Verily the people, high and low, settled and nomad, noble
and simple' have submitted themselves to this thy high and
divine authority on bended kr~ees and with prostrate bodies, their
souls
looking towards thee in every emergency which befalls
them, their glances fixed on thee in every calamity which overtakes
them, believing that their happiness and welfare are from
thee, and their salvation and deliverance by thee, and their
security and the accomplishment of their hopes in thee."
The writer then goes on to say that the Persian people are
rendered desperate by the oppressions which they suffer and the
sight of their country-"the E lome of Religion "(~trin'd-~*~)sold to
and
overrun by foreigners and unbelievers, but that, in
+P17
the absence of a leader, they are distracted, divided and impotent,
and
that they begin to murmur and lose faith because
no sign or direction comes from the M'~ylabid whom they
regard, and have a right to regard, as their guide an`1 leader in all
things touching the welfare of 3 slam. "They think," ' he
adds, "and this is the truth, that shine is the word which will
unite them and shine the proof which shall decide, that thy
command is effective, and that none wili contest thy authority,
and that, didst thou so desire, thou couldst combine their
scattered units by a ~vord on thy part..., thereby filling with fear
God's enemy and theirs, guard them from the malice of the
infidels, dispel the trouble and misery which surround them, and raise
them [rom their hard life to what is more ample and easy.
So shall the Faith be defended and protected by its adherents,
and Islam exalted and uplifted."
He then continues, after an intervening paragraph
4'O most mighty Pontiff! Verily the King's' purpose
wavereth, his character is vitiated, his perceptions are failing ancl
his heart is corrupt. He is incapable of governing the
land, or managing the affairs of his people, and hath entrusted
the reins of government in all things great and small to the
hands of a wicked freethinker3, a tyrant and usurper, who
revileth the l'rophets openly, and heedeth not God's Law, who
accounteth as naught the religious authorities, curseth the
doctors of the Law, rejecteth the pious, contemneth honourable
Siyyids3 and treateth preachers as one would treat the vilest of
mankind. Moreover since his return from the lands of the
Franks he hath taken the bit between his teeth, drinks wine
openly, associates with unbelievers and displays enmity towards
the Yirtuous. Such is his priYate conduct; but in addition to
this he hath sold to the foes of our Faith the greater part of
the Persian lands and the profits accruing therefrom, to wit the
mines4'
the ivays leading "hereunto, the roads connecting them
1. i.e. Nasiru'd-Din Shah.
2. i.e. the A"r~n't's-Sullfin, who ~,as at this time PrinZe Minister
of
Persia. 3. i.e. descendants of the Prophet.
4. The concession granted to Baron Julius de Reuter in January, 1889,
included the right of exploiting the nnineral `~,ealtl, of Persia,
though this u-as ceded in the following year to the Persian Bank
Mining
Rights Corporation.
+P18
with the frontiers of the country, the inns about to be built by the
side of these extensive arteries of communication which will ramify
through all parts of the kingdom, and the gardens and
fields surrounding them. Also the river Karun' and the guesthouses
which
will arise on its banks up to its very source, and
the gardens and meadows which adjoin it, and the highway
from Ahwaz to Tihran, with the buildings, inns, gardens and
fi elds surrounding it. Also the tobacco (tun~)', with the chief
centres of its cultivation, the lands on which it is grown, and the
dwellings of the custodians, carriers and sellers, wherever these are
found. He has similarly disposed of the grapes used for
making wine, and the shops, factories and wine-presses appertaining to
this trade throughout the whole of Persia; and so
likewise soap, candles and sugar, and the factories connected
therewith. Lastly there is the llank: and what shall cause thee
to understand what is the Bank ? It means the complet
handing over of the reins of gover~lment to the enemy of Islam3, the
enslaving of the people to that enemy, the surrendering of
them and of all dominion and authority into the hands of the
foreign foe.
"Thereafter the ignorant traitor, desiring to pacify the people
by his futile arguments, pretended that these agreements were
temporary, and these compacts only for a limited period which
would not exceed a hundred years! God! what an argument,
the weakness of which amazed even the traitors ~
"Then he offered what ~vas left to Russia4 as the price of her
silence and acquiescence (if indeed she will consent to be silent),
namely the Murdab (lagoon) of Rasht, the rivers of Tabaristan,
and the road from Anzall to Khurasan, with the houses, inns
and fields appertaining thereto. But Russia turned up her nose
at this offer, and declined to accept such a present; for she is bent
on the annexation cf Khurasan and the occupation of
1. The boasts uttered by Lord Salisbury at the Guildlhall Banquet on
Nov. 9, 1888, concerning the Karun River Concession greatly alarmed
the
Persian Government, and caused some restuctions to be introduced into
the original scheme.
2. The Tobacco Concession was granted on March 8, 1890, and
registered
at the British Legation on May 9 of the same year.
3. He means England.
4. This refers to the concessions made to Prince Dolgorouky in
February,
1889.
+P19
Azarbayjan and Mazandaran, unless these agreements be cancelled
and these compacts rescinded-agreements, namely, which
involve the entire surrender of the kingdom of Persia into the
hands of that most contentious foe. Such is the first result of
the policy of this madman.
"In short this criminal has offered the provinces of the
Persian land to auction amongst the Powers, and is selling the
realms of Islam and the abodes of Muhammad and his household
(on whom be greeting and salutation) to foreigners. But
by reason of the vileness of his nature and meanness of his
understanding he sells them for a paltry sum and at a wretched
price. (Yea, thus it is when meanness and avarice are mingled
,with treason and folly!)
"And thou, O Proof, if thou wilt not arise to help this
people, and wilt not unite them in purpose, and pluck them
forth, by the power of the Holy Law, from the hands of this
sinner, verily the realms of Islam will soon be under the control of
foreigners, who will rule therein as they please and do what
they will. If this opportunity is lost by thee, O Pontiff, and this
thing befalls while thou art alive, verily thou wilt not leave
behind thee a fair record in the register of time and on the
pages of history. And thou knowest that the '~la,72a of Persia
and the people thereof with one accord (their spirits being
straitened and their hearts distressed) await a word from thee
wherein they shall behold their happiness and whereby their
deliverance shall be effected. How then can it beseem one
on whom God hath bestowed such power as this to be so chary
of using it or to leave it in abeyance ?
`'I further assure Your Eminence, speaking as one who
knoweth and seeth, that the Ottoman Government will rejoice
in your undertaking of this effort and will aid you therein, for it is
well aware that the intervention of Europeans in the Persian
domains and their ascendancy therein will assuredly prove
injurious to its own dominions. Moreover all the ministers and
lords of Persia will rejoice in a word in this sense uttered by
thee, seeing that all of them naturally detest these innovations and
are
constitutionally averse from these agreements, which your endeavour
will
give them the opportunity to annul, that perchance
+P20
they may restrain this evil of covetousness which hath been
sanctioned and approvecl ...AII is from thee, by thee and in thee, and
thou art responsible far all before God and men....
"No doubt the Pontiff of the people hath heard what the
ring-leaders of infidelity and the confederates of unbelief have done
to that learned, accomplished and virtuous Hajji Mulla
Fayzu'llah of Darband; and thou wilt shortly hear what these
cruel miscreants did to the learned, pious and righteous muj~ahid
Hajji
Siyyid 'A1; Akbar of Shlraz. Thou wilt also learn what
killing, beating, branding and bonds have been inflicted on the
defenders of their country and their faith. Of such victims was
that virtuous youth MIrz~ Muhammad Riza of Kirman', whom
that apostate [i.e. the A m2'nn's-SuI~] killed in prison2, and the
eminent and virtuous Hajji Sayyah. (MahallatI), the cultured
and accomplished Mirza Furughi, the noble and talented Mirza
Muhammad 'Ah Khan, the well-proved and accomplished
I'/i~'ad~'s-Sal~a?2`z3 and others.
"As for my own story and what that ungrateful tyrant did to
tne...the wretch commanded me to be dragged, when I was in
sanctuary in the shrine of Shah 'Abdutl-'Azim and grievously
ill, through the snow to the capital with such circumstances of
disrespect, humiliation and disgrace as cannot be imagined for
wickedness (and all this after I had been plundered and
despoiled). ~Jerily we belong to God and verily unto Him
do we return !
"Thereafter his miserable satellites mounted me, notwithstanding my
illness, on a pack-saddle, loading me with chains,
and this in the wirlter season, amidst the snow-drifts and bitter, icy
blasts, and a company of horsemen conveyed me to
Khaniqln4, guarded by an escort. And he had previously
1. The same who afterwards killed Nasiru'd-Din Shah, as will be fully
set forth in the next chapter but one.
2. This is, of course, an error, but it is not easy to ascertain the
fate of political prisoners in Persia until long after their arrest.
3. Muhammad Hasan Khan I'timadu's-Saltana, of Siyyid Jamalu'd-Din's
disciples, was a man of letters, and was for a time Minister of the
Press and of the Translation Bureau. He wrote several useful works,
such
as the Kitab't Ma'~f~ir sua'l-Athdr (on the Institutions of Nasiru'd-
Din Shah, the chief events and most notable men of his reign, etc.),
lithographed at Tihran in A.H. 1306 (A.D. 1888).
4. This is the Turkish fro'Ztier-post on the road between Persia and
Baghdad.
+P21
written to the Wali (Turkish governor), requesting him to
rcmovc me to Ba.sra, knowing well that, if he IcEt mc alone,
I should come to thee, O Pontiff, and inform thee of his doings
and of the state of the people [of Persia], and explain to thee
what had befallen the lands of Islam through the evil deeds of
this infidel, and would invoke thy help, O Proof, for the True
Faith, and induce thee to come to the succour of the Muslims.
For he knew for a certainty that, should I succeed in meeting
thee, it would not be possible for him to continue in his office,
involving as it does the ruin of the country, the destruction of the
people, and the encouragement of unbelief....Moreover his
conduct was made more culpable and mean in that, in order to
avert a general revolt and appease the popular agitation, he
accused the party whom zeal for religion and patriotism had
impelled to defend the sanctuary of Islam and the rights of the
people of belonging to the Babi sect. So also (may God cut out
his tongue !) he spread it abroad amongst the people that I was
uncircumcised (alas for Islam !~. What is this weakness ? What
this cowardice ? How is it possible that a low-born vagabond
and contemptible fool should be able to sell the Muslims and
their lands for a vile price and a paltry sum, contemn the
'2cla?J2a, treat with disrespect the descendants of the 1,rophet, and
slander in such fashion Siyyids of the House of 'All? Is
there no hand able to pluck up this evil root and so to appease
the wrathful indignation of the Muslims, and avenge the descendants of
the Chief of God's Apostles (upon whom and whose
household be blessings and salutation)?
"Wherefore, seeing myself remote from that high presence,
I refrained from uttering my complaint....But when that learned
leader and ~nz~ylab~t FIajji Siyyid 'All Akbar came to Basra, he urged
me to write to that most high Pontiff a letter setting forth these
events,misfortunes and afflictions, and I hastened to obey his
command,
knowing that God will e~ect something by thy hand.
"Peace be upon thee, and the Mercy of God, and His
Blessings."
And in truth Savyid Jamalu'd-Din's hopes and expectations
were not deceived, for it was apparently this letter which induced
+P22
the great mujtahid, Hajji Mirza Hasan of Shiraz, to issue his
fatwa declaring the use of tobacco to be unlawful until the
obnoxious concession was withdrawn; it was this iatwe' which
gave to the popular resentment the sanction of Religion, thus
enabling it to triumph over the Shah, ;he Am;nu's-Sultan and
the foreign governments and co?Icessio?zaires; and amongst the
ultimate results of all this were the violent deaths of Nasiru'd-Din
Sh~h and the Aminu's-Sultan, the successful demand for a
Constitution, rendered possible only by the alliance between the
clergy
and the people, and the whole momentous struggle which
has convulsed Persia during the last four years, and of which the
history will be traced in these pages.
The remarks appended by Siyyid Muhammad Rashid to the
text of this letter are wortl1 quoting, and run as follows:-
"This letter insl~ired a spirit of heroism and enthusiasm in
that great doctor, who possessed so strong a spiritual infIuence over
the Persian people, and he accordingly issued an edict
(fatwa) forbidding the use and cultivation of tobacco'. The
'ulan~a published hisJa`~,a abroad with lightning speed, and the
people
bowed their necks to it to such a degree that it is related that on
the
morning of the day succeeding the arrival of the
Jaswa' at Tihr;in the Shah called for a ?ia?'gi~ (]alya7', or
waterpipe), and was told that there was no tobacco in the Palace, for
it had all been destroyed. He demanded with amazement the
reason of this, and was informed of theiatzoe of the Proof of
Islam (i.e. Hajji Mirza Hasan-i-Shiraz;, the '~izJlahzd); and
when he asked why they had not asked his permission first,
they replied, 'It is a religious question concerning which there was
no
need to seek such permission!' Thereafter the Shah
was compelled to rescind the concession and satisfy the English
company by a payment of half a million pounds. Thus did
Siyyid Jamalu'd-Din save Persia from an English occupation by
abolishing the cause which would have led to this, namely this
I See the A?~aken~ng of ~e ~,RSM"S, p. ~6. The translation of
thefaZ=d,
as ~ere given, runs as follows:-"In the Name of Cod the Merciful, the
Forgiving. To-da, the use of tunbJ~ anti tobacco, ir~ whatever
[ashion,
is reckoned as vvar against the Imam of the Age (may God hasten his
glad
Advenl ')."This f=wa uas published in Persia by Hajji M;rza
Hasan~i-Ashtiyan;, and, though confirmed later by Mirzi
Hasan-i-Shirkl, il has been asserted that it originally emanated from
him.
+P23
concession, and the other concessions of which you have read
the description in his letter. Such are true men and such are
true 'ulamaa!
"Now1 the effect of the influence of the clergy is fully
manifested in Persia, inasmuch as it hath changed the order of
government and converted it from despotic to constitutional
rule. Perhaps this event is the first intimation to the 'uiaI?la that
the matter is in their hands. Yet none the less Siyyid
Jamalu'd-Din was the prime mover in this revolution, as he was
also the cause of the revolution which took place in Egypt,
where the action of his Society was the first effort made to resist
and
destroy the authority of Isma';l Pasha, and to inspire in
TawEiq the spirit of progress, so that he assured the Siyyid and his
supporters that' if he succeeded to the throne, he would
establish a Chamber of Deputies and effect other reforms. But
thereafter the intervention of the army in politics brought the
plan to naught.
"But the success of the 'u~a?ne, prompted by his efforts and
guided by him, in hindering foreign intervention in Persia, was
not the only indication that the power of the clergy and the
people transcended the power of kings; the warning was completed
thereafter by the killing of the Shah, and what was
asserted as to the slayer being one of the followers of Siyyid
Jamilu'd-D;n.
"The Siyyid did not content himself with urging the chief
m'`,ifebid and the other 'ulame' to withstand the Shah and his
Minister, nor with his success in arousing them against him. He
went from Basra to Europe and began to censure them in speech
and writing. He founded, or helped to found, there a bilingual
monthly magazine, published in Arabic and English, named
.Ziya iz'l-Khaf57ay?' (' the Light of the two Hemispheres '), to each
number of which he used to contribute an article on Persian
affairs, over the well-known signature ' the Siyyid,' or 'the
Husayn; Siyyid.' Its remarks on Egypt were, ~Ico ~mon~ct itc
most important topics.
In his articles on Persia he used to censure unsparingly its
These Y ords ~vere written about the beginning of the year ~908. I
received the sheet in u~hich they occur on lIurch ~ of that year.
+P34
government and Shah, so that the Persian Minister in London
sought him out and strove to win hi~n over and pacify him, that
perchance he might desist from speaking and writing about this,
offering him a large sum of money to do so. But the Siyyid
said to him, 'Naught will content me save that the Shah shall
~oe killed, and his belly ripped open, and his body consigned to the
tomb.' This saying of his lends colour to the belief that
the Shah's assassin was one of the Siyyid's follo~vers.
"Here we shall reproduce," the editor concludes, "some of
what he ~vrote about Persia i n the ' ~ igh! of ~e two ~c~n'zs,
heres,'
in order to ~mmortalize him in history. This is what he wrote
in the second number of that periodical, published on March I,
~892, urging the 'nia'~a to depose the Shah and devote themselvcs to
the
intcrcsts of the people."
The article to which reference is made above is addressed to
a numl~er of the principal 'niama of Persia, who are mentioned
by name in the exordium. They are the Chief m?cjtabia, of
Karbala, Hajji Mirza Muhammad Hasan of ShirazJ Hajji Mirza
HaLfbu'llah of Rasht, HaJji MIrza Abu'l-Qasim of Karbala,
[qa Hajji M;rza Jawad of Tabriz, Hajji Siyyid'Ali Akbar of
Shlraz, Hajji Shaykh Had' of Najmabad, Mirza Hasan of
shtiyan, the Sadrn'l-'L~na, Hajji Aqa Muhsin of'Ir~q, Ha~ji
Shaykh Muhammad Tagl of Isfahan, Hajji Mulla Muhammad
Taqi of Bujnurd, and others not specified.
Siyyid Jamalu'd-Din begins by emphasising the danger to
~vhich Muslim countries are exposed by the greed of European
Po~vers, to whose sinister designs, he declares, the 'u~)na offer the
chief obstacle. Where their power was restricted or broken
by the rulers of the country, as in India and Transoxiana,
Europeans easily succeeded in intervening in the affairs of the
country, and finally taking passession of it; while, on the other
hand,
the strength of Afghanistan in resisting the attacks of the English
time
after time is due to the influence wielded by the
m'`lfas in that country. He then proceeds to describe the policy of
Nasiru'd-Oin Shah as follc~vs:-
"When this Shah, this viper and man of sin, obtained control
of the 3`ingdom [of Persia], he began gradually to infrdlge the
rights of the '~iame, lo~ er their status, and diminish their
+P25
influence, on account of his desire to exercise despotic authority in
his vain commands and prohibitions, and to extend the
scope of his tyranny and oppression. So he drove forth many
from the country in disgrace, and by contempt prevented others
from maintaining the Holy Law, and brought others from
their homes to the Abode of Tyranny and Abuses (Tihran),
where he compelled them to abide in humiliation. Thus the air
was cleared for him, and he crushed down the people, ruined the
country, ran through a whole cycle of shameful deeds, publicly
indulged in all manner of vices, and expended on his vile
pleasures and beastly indulgences what he had ~vrung from the
blood of the poor and needy and extracted by force from the
tears of wido~vs and orphans. (Alas for Isl;im!)
"Then when his [oily h;lcl increased in all its various forms,
he choose as his Minister, a foolish wretch, who had neither
religion to control trim' understanding to check him, nor personal
honour to restrain him. No sooner had this man of sin become
invested with authority than he set himself to destroy religion
and make war on the Muslims, while his low origin and mean
extraction impelled him to sell the lands of Islam for a paltry
price.
"So the Franks supposed that the time had come to take
possession of the Persian realm, without opposition or war' end
imagined that the power of the '~lamci, who used to defend
the citadel of Islam, had waned, and their influence departed,
and all rushed open-mouthed, eager to gobble up a portion of
this kingdom.
"Then the Truth arose, angered against the False, and
crushed it' disappohlting its endeavour and humbling each
obstinate tyrant. I speak truly: you, O leaders, have glorified
Islam by your resolve, have exalted its authority, and have filled
men's
hearts ~vith fear and awe. All foreigners have learned
that yours is an authority not to be resisted, a strength not to be
overcome and a word not to be ignored; that you are the salt
of the earth and that you control the people. But the danger
is now great and the emergency critical, [or the devils have
1 hlirza 'Alf Asghar lChan A,nrn~'s-Sr`Itan, on ivEom at a later date
was con ferred the higher title of AMbak-i-.4'2arn. ~
+P26
combined to repair the hurt which they have sustained, and are
eager to attain their end, ancl they are determbled to mislead that
man
of sin into the expulsion of all the'~flamf from the country. So they
have explained to him that only by the obedience of
the officers of his army can effect be given to his commands,
and that these officers [being at present Persians and Muslims]
will not act contrary to any command emanating from the
'ulen~a, and will not consent to inflict on them any injury, so
that, in order to establish th~ authority of the government, they must
be replaced by European officers; and they have exhibited
to that foolish traitor as a specimen [of what they propose] the
command
of the Royal Body-guard and the control of the
Cossack Brigadet. So now this infidel and his counsellors in
heresy are exerting themselves to introduce foreign officers, and the
Shah in his chronic madness approves this plan and is filled with
delight thereat.
"By God's Life! Madness and infidelity are leagued together,
and folly and greed are allied to destroy religion, to abrogate
the Holy Law, and to hand over the Home of Islam to foreigners
without striking a blow or offering the least resistance.
"O guides of the people! If you leave this wretched
l'haraoh, or suffer him to continue on his throne of madness,
and do not hasten to depose him from the high place of his
error, then the matter is finished, and will be hard to cure and
difficult to remedy."
The remainder of the article deals with the deposition of
Nasiru'd-Dm Shah, an achievement which it declares to be not
difficult of accomplishment on account of the general discontent at
his
rule and the prestige enjoyed by the '~lama since they
espoused the cause of the people in opposing the obnoxious
Tobacco Monopoly. The editor, Muhammad Rash~d, adds a
note on the great influence wielded by the '`~lam~z in Persia, and
observes how necessary it is for the welfare of Islam that they
should not receive payment or pensions from the government.
It s:lys much for the Say7~d's foresight that Colonel Liakhoff stad
the
other Russi:ln officers ~r~ the service of the present Shah should
have
been the instruments wherewilh the deplorable roup a'`tot of June :3,
1908, was effected. The Cossack Brigade ~vas originally instituted in
1 882, and Colonei Kozakofski was the first officer to command it.
+P27
"Islam cannot prosper," he concludes, `'unless the `nlama be
independent, and not obliged to rely for their daily bread, in
learning, teaching and directing, on kings and nobles, as has
hitherto been the case."
The last article quoted is from the February number of the
above-mentioned Ziy~'u'l-Kh4fiqayn for ~8gz. Though shorter
than the two preceding documents, it is too long to quote in full, and
a short specimen must suffice. It deals with the miserable
condition of Persia, the tyranny and exactions of the go~erning
classes, whicl~ are depopulating the country and driving numbers of
its
people into exile, the corruption of all branches of the
administration, the sale of governments and government offices,
the absence of all law, the prevalence of every kind of cruelty
and torture, and the lack of discipline amongst the unpaid and
vagabond soldiery, who live by plunder and robbery, and are
dangerous only to their peaceful and industrious compatriots.
"The government has over-ridden and destroyed the Holy
Law, detests and repudiates civilized administration, despises
and ignores the laws of reason and common sense. Passion
alone holds sway, greed alone dominates, violence and brute
force alone rule. The sword, the scourge and the branding-iron
only govern. It delights in the shedding of blood, glories in
dishonour, and exults in robbing widows and orphans of their
possessions. In those lands is no security,and their inhabitants see
no
means to save their life from the teeth of tyranny save by flight.
"A fifth of the Persians have fled into Turkish or Russian
territory, where you may see them wandering through the streets
and markets as porters, sweepers, scavengers and water-carriers,
rejoicing in spite of their tattered garments, their sombre
countenances, and the meanness of their avocations, in their
deliverance, and thanking God for sparing tneir lives....
"The governor and his satellites, in order to recover srhat
they disbursed at first [in bribes to the Court] and to ol~tain
what they have undertaken to remit [to the capital], during the
whole period of their authority (which is undetermined) leave no foul
deed, or disgraceful act, or horrid iniquity undone....They hang up
women by their hair, put men in sacks with savage
+P28
dogs, nail their ears to wooden boards, or put a leading-rein through
their noses and then parade the wretched victim in such pitiful plight
through the streets and markets. Their lightest punishments are
branding
and scourging with whips."
The editor adds that he has heard of, but not seen, another letter
in
which the Siyyid advocates the deposition of both Sultans (i~. of
Turkey
and Persia), which he declares to be "easier than taking off one's
boots"l
The following extract from an undated letter' written by Siyyid
Jamalu'd-Din to one of his friends (unnamed) is given in the Hisiory
of
tize Az~ekening of the Persia7's (~pp. iO7-108). This letter is
written
in Persian, and the translation is as fol lo~vs:-
I write this letter to my own dear friend, being a captive in prison
and
debarred from meeting my friends, neither expecting deliverance nor
hoping for life, neither afflicted by my captivity nor fearful of
being
slain. Nay, I rejoice at my captivity and impending death, for my
imprisonment is for the freeing of my kind, and I shall be slain for
the
life of my people. Only on this account am I grieved, that I have not
lived to reap what I have sown, and that I have not fully attained to
that which I desired. The sword of unrighteousness has not suffered me
to see the awakening of the peoples of the East, and the hand of
ignorance has not granted me the opportunity to hear the call of
Freedom
from the throats of the nations of the Orient. Would that 1 had sown
all
the seed of my ideas in the receptive ground of the people's thoughts
I Well would it have been had I not wasted this fruitful and
beneficent
seed of mine in the salt and sterile soil of that effete Sovereignty!
For what I sowed in that soil never grevr, and what I planted in that
brackish earth perished away. During all this time none of my well-
intentioned counsels sank into the ears of the rulers of the East,
whose
selfishness and ignorance prevented them from accepting my words. I
had
hopes of Persia, but the reward of my labours was entrusted to the
public executioner! With a thousand threats and promises they summoned
me to Turkey, and then
1. From internal evidence it would appear to have been written
from Constantinople a little before the writer's death.
+P29
fettered and constrained me thus, regardless of the fact that to
destroy
the messenger is not to destroy the message, and that the page of Time
preserves the word of Truth.
"At all events I desire my honoured friend to submit this my last
letter to the eyes of my dear Persian friends and fellowworkers, and
to
communicate to them verbally this message:- 'You, who are the ripe
fruit
of Persia, and who have zealously girded up your skirts for the
awakening of the Persians, fear neither imprisonment nor slaughter !
Be
not wearied by I'ersian ignorance! Be not frightened by the ferocious
acts of Sultans! Strive with the utmost speed, and endeavour
with the greatest swiftness! Nature is your friend, and the Creator of
Nature your ally. The stream of renovation flows quickly towards the
East. The edif~ce of despotic government totters to its fall. Strive
so
far as you can to destroy the foundations of this despotism, not to
pluck up and cast out its individual agents. Strive so far as in you
lies to abolish those practices which stand between the Persians and
their happiness, not to annihilate those who employ these practices.
If
you merely strive to oppose individuals, your time will only be lost.
If you seek only to prevail against them, the evil practice will draw
to itself others. Endeavour to remove those obstacles which prevent
your
friendship with other nations."'
Much more might be written concerning this remarkable man, who, a
wandering scholar with no material resources save only an eloquent
tongue and pen, learning both wide and deep combined with
considerable political insight and knowledge of affairs, and a
sincere and passionate love of Islam, of which he acutely felt
the present decadence, literally made kings tremble on their thrones
and defeated the well-laid plans of statesmen by setting in motion
forces which he knew how to evoke and with which secular politicians,
both European and Asiatic, had utterly failed to reckon. He it uas, as
has been already said, who was the chief agent in bringing
about the Egyptian Nationalist movement, which, though defeated in
~88~,
is still a force to be reckoned with; and he it was to whom
the present Constitutional Movement in Persia in large measure
owes its
+P30
inception. He also did much to awaken the independent Muslim States to
a sense of their imminent peril and the urgent need of combination to
withstand the constant aggressions of the great European Powers, and
he
might with justice be termed the founder of Pan-Islamism in the ser,se
in which I have defined it. He might have effected much more had he
been
able to find a Muslim sovereign sufficiently intelligent to
understand the full scope of his ideas, and sufficiently inspired by
patriotism and enthusiasm for Islam to carry them out. Of Nasiru'd-Din
Shah, a selfish and cruel despot, caring only for his personal
authority and material pleasures, he must needs despair after I
a brief trial. Of the Sultan of Turkey he had greater hopes,!;
and he set on foot a real movement, which still counts innuential
supporters in Persia, to bring about a working understanding
between the Turkish Sunnls and the Persian ShI'a, based on the
recognition by the Persians of the Ottoman Caliphate, and
a recognition by the Turks of the King of Persia as head of the
Shi'ites, and including the abolition of sundry practices on both
sides
tending to keep alive the existing hostility between these two great
divisions of Muslims.l For he saw clearly that the
same dangers threatened the tv~o Empires, and that only by
uniting against the common foe, instead of wasting their strength in
vain bickerings and occasional armed conflicts, could they
hope to escape the impending doom. Even some influential
m~`J`ab~ds and ,~las were gained over to this policy, but when
these, in the recent revolution in Persia, partly from choice and
natural sympathy, partly from necessity, threw in their lot with the
Constitutional movement, Sultan 'Abdu'l-Hamid, in whose
presence, until July, ~go8, none dared breathe the hated word
"Constitution"(MasJzrd~z7ya'), broke off all relations with
them, and, by permitting his troops to cross the North-West
frontier of Persia, added to her difficulties and distress. ~ Yet in
the new and brighter era which has now dawned in Turkey| the
ideas of Siyyid Jamalu'd-Dln may perhaps find a fuller measure
of success.
+P31
THE TOBACCO CONCESSION AND ITS CONSEQUENCES.
THE misfortunes of Persia which overshadowed the last six years of
Nasiru'd-Din Shahts reign, and ultimately led to his destruction, may
be said to date from the granting of the Tobacco Concession to an
English company on March 8, 1890.
During the preceding summer the Shah had visited Europe for the
third
time1. Hitherto these journeys, though costly and useless (for no
benefit to his subjects accrued from them), had done no particular
harm.
But this year was a year of evil: even before he left Persia in
April, the ~hah. had grante~ January~L88gito Baron Julius~de Reuter a
concession for the fQrmation of a State Bank, witllLexclusive rights
of
issuing bark notes and exploiting the mineral resources of the
country,
alla a month later Prince Dolgorouky obtained for Russia the first
refusal of any railway concession which might be granted during the
five
succeeding years. As if this did not suffice, the Shah fqrther granted
to a Persian subject (of whose identitylam ignorant) a Lottery
concession, which was subsequently bought by a British Syndicate for
40,0~ This was shortly afterwards revoked, but the money paid by the
Syndicate was not refunded, and this had the effect of discrediting
Persia on the Stock Exchange; a result, perhaps, not wholly to be
regretted from the Persian point of view, since the interest of the
Stock Exchangc is often of a somewhat sinister character, and by no
means wholly to be desired. On September 2 the Persian State Bank,
under
the title of the Imperial Bank of Persia, ~vas. establish~by British
Royal Charter
1. The first journey was in 1873, the second in 1878, and the third in
1889.
+P32
The circumstances surrounding these concessions, and especially the
Lottery Concession, are obscure to me, but one effect of this last,
which had several important consequences, was a quarrel between the
Shah
and Prince Malkom Khan, who had, since 1872, represented Persia at the
Court of St James's. As a result of this quarrel Malkom Khan ceased,
in
November, ~889, to be Persian Minister in London', and was replaced by
Muh~ammad'AII Khan '~n's-Sal~nat. On October zo, 1889 the Shah re-
entered his capital, having re-crossed the Persiar; frontier on
September ~3, bringing with him his new French physician, Dr l;euvrier
(to wllom we owe a singularly illumblating account of events in the
Persian capital during the next three years, entitled Trois ~ns a IfZ
Co~cr ~e Perse) and
the celebrated protagonist of "Pan-Islamism," Siyyid Jamalu'd-Dm al-
Afghan, the former from Paris, the latter from Munich.
We now come to the year ~ 890, from which especially, as I have
already observed, the dangerEi and disasters which still threaten
Persia
may be said to date. "De concession en concesssion," wrote Dr Feuvrier
under the date April ~4 of this year, "la Perse sera hentAt to''t
er'`iere entre les Jnains des etrangers."The Imperial Bank of Persia
took up the scheme of constructing a carriageroad from Ahwaz to
Tibran,
and ceded its mbleral rights to a new company called the "Persian Bank
Mining Corporation," which, however, collapsed four years later.
wasons
all tending towards the same evil result of placing in foreigrl hands,
for a relatively
small irnmediatebe~lit tO the Sh_ his courtiers, and to the great
detriment of the Persian peopled the sources of Persia's actual or
potential ~ealth, belong to about the same period, and will be found
fully discussed in Lorini's excellent work, [a Persia Fconon~ica
conie??~ora?tea e la sua questro,~e ?noJ'e~aria (Roine, ~gco). llut it
was the Tobacco Concession which led to the most momentous results,
and
it is this especially which will now be discussed.
This Concession, as already stated, was granted on March 8,
1. The ~ilnes of hIarch '6, 18gl, announced, on the authority of the
Persian ran, that blalkom Khan had been deprivecl of all his titles by
the Shah. A spirited reply from hIalkom liban `~-as published on
Nlarch
zo, 1891, in the same paper.
2. Till recently (Feb. 1910) the l'ersi:~n ~linister for Foreign
Aflairs. Ile resigned on Feb. 6 in consequence of ~ vote Or censure.
+P33
1890, but the preliminary negotiations of which it was the outcome
very
probably began in the preceding year, while the Shah was in Europe.
The
concessioncaire, hIr G. F. Talbot, was thereby granted full control
over
the production, sale and export of all tobacco in l~ersia for a period
of fifty years, in return for which monopoly he undertook to pay to
the
Shah, or the Persian Government, an annual rent of ~s,ooo, in
addition
to one-quarter of the annual profits, after the payment of all working
expenses and a five per cent. dividend on the capital. The capital of
the Company, which, under the title of "the Imperial Tobacco
Corporation
of Persia," was subsequently formed, consisted of 6650,000 in (14,740
ordinary shares of ~o each, and 600 founders' shares at ' each. That
good profits were expected is sufficiently strewn by the following
statement in the Prospectus, dated November 3, 1890: "the Founders'
Shares will not receive dividends in any year until the Ordinary
Shares
shall have received ~5 per cent. dividend for that year. The remaining
profits will then be divided in equal moieties between the Ordinary
Shares and the Founders' Shares."The expectations of the
concessio'`na~res are still more clearly set forth in the prospectus,
where the net annual profits are estimated at 500,000 and the total
net
annual profits to the Corporation at 371,875. "Advantage was taken,'~
says the prospectus, " of the experience gained in the working and
administration of the Turkish Tobacco Regie...established in the year
~884..., and inasmuch as the rent payable by them (i.e. the Persian
Tobacco Corporation) is only.~5,ooo per annum,as against (630,ooo per
annum payable by the Turkish Regie, and the term of their concession
is
for 50 years as against the term of only 30 years in the case of the
Turkish Concession, their business will be entered on under much more
favourable conditions."The Persian &overnment undertook "to support
and
protect the Corporation in carrying on their business," in which
undertaking, adds this alluring document, "it has a direct interest,
as
it will share in the profits realized."It is interesting to observe
that
"should any difference arise between the Imperial &overnment and the
Corporation, it shall be determined by an Arbitrator to be appointed,
in default of agreement, by one of
+P34
the representatives of the United States of America, or of
Germany or Austria, resident at I ihr;SIl.'' For this was before the
days when we had bouncl ourselves by ententes and rapprocheme?'ts to
our
dear friends France and Russia. Wlth the Prospectus from which the
above
information is derived was enclosed a glowing account, dated August 2,
~890, of the vast possibilities now Iying open before the
co~`cesszonnaires, drawn up by a gentleman named Antoine Kitabji (who,
if my memory serves me right, was responsible for that strange and
heterogeneous conglomeration of Levantine Christians and Syrian Jews
which constituted the cast of the so-called "Persian Theatre"at the
Paris Exhibition), describing himself as "Directeur General des
Douanes
en Perse."It is hard to resist tile temptation of quothlg this
egregious
document in full, but we must content ourselves `vith the following
majestic, if somewhat cryptic, utterances. "Moreover, the mere fact
of the reservation made by the Government of His Imperial Majesty the
Sl~ah, which, while accepting a minimum rent of .~5,ooo sterling per
annum to encourage the enterprise, has reserYed for itself one-quarter
of the profits, proves to ~-ou at once the importance of the
approximate
estimate of experienced persons in the country, who, by this indirect
means, and without being a charge on your Company, have been able to
secure so important a part for the Government.
"Now, as to the population, they will benefit by the Regie, because
at present the Tambal~ou passes through three or four hands before
reaching the consumers....The Octroi and intemal conveyance duties at
present existing...are of little importance...: therefore it is
certainly not these duties which are now the cause of the relatively
large overcharge of merchants and dealers; but the reason is-tllese
merchants, with the small capital they possess, are desirous of
gaining
much, and even make mixtures to raise their profits still higher. I
say,
therefore, that the population wiLI be a true partisan of your Regie
because they will buy cheaper, and without admixture.
"The growers will be the most favoured in this matter, because the
merchants do them great injury by depreciating
+P35
their goods, in order to purchase at reduced prices and long terms,
whilst your Company will be careful to encourage the production of the
better qualities by paying remunerative prices, and by, making
advances.
"To sum up, the Regie has a very brilliant future before it. I t
will
realize large profits from the beginning; and all the parties
interested, such as the Government, your Company, the consumers and
the
growers,. will certainly find their share in the prL,fits. Of this I
am
convinced.,' Thus everybody was to be happy and pleased, and to
derive a profit from this beneficent Corporation (which itself was to
be rewarded by a conscious sense of rectitude and a profit of anything
over 50 per cent. on its capital) except the wicked Persian tobacco-
yendors, who, "with the small capital they possess," were apparently
regarded as unworthy of serious consideration. The Concession was duly
registered at the British Legation at Tihran on May 9, ~890; the
subscription-list was opened on November 4-6; and all preparations
were
made to "take up"the Concession in the following year.
Here I must for a moment break the thread of my narrative to speak
of
a literary enterprise ~vhich undoubtedly was not without its effect h1
increasing the dissatisfaction at the Shah's extravagances and
disregard
of the interests of his people which began to prevail in Persia.
Malkom
Kh;in, having quarrelled with the Shah and his ministers (especially
with the ~!NZ'flZI'SS~Itcz~z, after~vards entitled Atfjak-i-A'~am),
began to publish in London and to distribute in the East a Persian
newspaper entitled Qc~nz~rz ("Law "), of which No. ~ was issued on
February 20, 1890, To. 2 on March 22, No. 3 on April 20, No. 4 on May
20, No. 5 on June ~ 8, and No. ~ on ~ uly ~ 8. The remaining numbers
(7,
8, 9 and ~9) which I possess' are, unfortunately, undated, but since
4~
numbers at least were issued, it is to be presumed that the paper was
continued for nearly three and a half years. It was vehemently
resented
by the Shah, and those unfortunate Yersians who were known to have
received it or ~to be in possession of it were arrested, and in
several
cases'
1. Since writing this I have received, through the kindness of Prince
Malkom Khan's widow,an almost complele set of the 41 nambers of the
Qanun.
+P36
severely punished. Amongst these were two of my intimate friends, onc
an c:c-socrctary of the l'ersian Legation in London, the other my old
teacher and Mr (now Sir) Arthur Wollaston's coadjutor in the
production
of his two English-Persian Dictionaries, M[rz~ Muhammad Baqir. The
latter delivered himself out of the hands of Prince Na'ibu's-Saltana
(the son of Nasiru'd-Din and uncle of the ex-Shah) by recitations from
his mystical and religious "Islamo-Christian', poems which made the
Prince glad to be quit of him at any price; but the former suffered a
harsh and
prolonged imprisonment.
The first number of the Q4ndn was published, as already stated, on
February 20, 1890. It was entirely Islamic in tone, beginning with a
brief prayer in Arabic, and ending with a hope that any opinion which
should prove erroneous or contrary to the truths of Islam might be
forgiven. The greatest respect was expressed for Nasiru'd-Din Shah,
whose justice and clemency were extolled, and for the m~cilas and
?~`i~j~ailc~s. Emphasis was laid on the disordered and corrupt
condition
of Persia, which was ascribed, firstly to the absence of any law, and
secondly to the misdeeds of the Prime Minister, the ~4m~n'sSullan, who
was described as a "muleteer's son "([ac~a-i-4e.CZrJi), and who is
throughout the special target of the paper's vituperations. "We must
be~in by writing very gently," observed the editor; but, so far as the
~'ninn's-SuI~t was concerned, the degree of this "gentleness "may be
judged by the following:-
"The Prime Minister will leap half a yard out of his seat as soon as
he sees the Q~nz`~. He will hurl his cap (kulaJ') on the ground, tear
his collar, and, after various other womanish outbursts of anger, will
run off to the foreign ambassadors, kiss their feet, and pledge them
whatever is still left of the rights of the State, so that perhaps, by
their help, the Qa?~?CH may be put on the proscribed list. So much the
better! In Persia a newspaper which is not proscribed means nothing.
The
more violently he behaves, the more important will the matter become,
and the more eager will the people of Persia grow to obtain and
circulate such a warrant of salvation." The next number, dated
hIarch
~z, ~890, contains the following summary of complaints, in the course
of a long description of the woes
of Persia:-
+P37
"The control of all affairs of State in the hands of ignorant and
base-born persons.
"The rights of the State bartered to please Legation dragomans.
"The titles and offices of the State the playthings of successful
knaveries.
"Our army the laughing-stock of the world.
"Our princes deserving of the pity of beggars.
"Our mujtahids and doctors craving the justice of the unbelievers.
"Our towns each a metropolis of dirt.
"Our roads worse than the tracks of animals."
To the cry for a fixed Code of Laws is now added a demand for
a Parliament representing the people' free to discuss all matters
connected with the welfare of the State, the members of which shall
enjoy the privilege of immunity, whatever they may lawfully say or do
in the discharge of their functions.
"The number of councillors in the Council of State is now very
small,"
writes the editor; "as far as possible this Assembly must be enlarged.
Great divines, eminent men of learning, capable mnilas, and the chief
men of every province-even young men possessed of learning-must be
members of this supreme Council.
"The leaders of Church and State, and all persons of intelligence,
must, in response to the demands of this time for increased
watchfulness, unite to support this Assembly, and seek by every means
to make the Persian people understand that the regeneration of Persia
depends on carrying out the Law, and that carrying out the Law depends
on the consideration and authority enjoyed by this Assembly."
The third number of the Qand n, dated April zo, ~ 890, emphasizes
the
veneration of law strewn elsewhere, even by the rulers of the most
autocratic states, such as Turkey and Russia, and deplores anew the
insecurity of life, property and honour in Persia. It congratulates
its
contemporary, the Persian ~khiar ("Star"), published at
Constantinople,
for its services to the cause of Persian freedom, and warns the Shah's
sons that while
+P38
they are jealously watching each other, each hoping that he may one
day
succeed to the throne, "the ignorance of the Prime Minister (i.e. the
A m~u's-Sulta?~), which has overshadowed Persia, will soon leave
nothing
worth quarrelling about."
Certain passages, viewed in the light of later events, have an
almost
prophetic strain, as, for example, the following, from No. 4, issued
on
May 20, 1890:-
"Certain nerveless and poor-spirited beings, who always judge the
character of c~thers by their own base nature, say that Persia has
lost
all feeling and perception, and that these words can no longer produce
any effect. It is true that our smallminded grandees have, so far as
they were able, established the market of shamelessness in these our
days; but they will shortly see that Persia is not quite desolate, and
that the spirit of manhood still sur~rives in it."
Mr Wilfrid Blunt, in his interesting Secret History of the English
Occupation of Egypt (pp. 82-87), gives an account of the impression
produced on him by Malkom Khan, whom he met on June z7, ~880, and whom
he describes as "a little old man with a long nose and very black
eyes.""I left him," adds the writer, "with the impression that he was
the most remarkable man I had ever met, and more convinced than ever
of
the superior intelligence of the Eastern mind."He also repeats some
part
of the account given him ~by Malkom Khan of his doctrines and
adventures, and of the "religion of humanity"which he endeavoured to
found in Persia, and for which he claimed to have gained 30,000
proselytes' until finally the Shah, jealous of his increasing power,
granted him "permission to travel," and conferred on him "the position
of Ambassador-General to all the Courts of Europe."It was some four or
five years later that I myself made the acquaintance of this eminent
diplomatist, but he talked to me less about the "religion of
humanity"than about a new plan for printing Persian, Turkish and
Arabic
with unjoined letters, in the elaboration and perfecting of whicl1 he
was then engaged. The types for this experiment were actually cut
under
his supervision, and a small
printing-press, worked by an ingenious Persian named, I think, Hajji
Muhammad Kh~n, was established in Notting l~ill Gate, not far from
Holland
[A photograph of Prince Malkom Khan is bound between pages 38 and 39.]
+P39
Park, where the Persian Legation was at that time situated. The
Gz'l~sIdn of Sa'di and several small primers, of which ~ possess
copies,
were printed there, and the types were also occasionally used for an
article in Sabunji's Arabic journal an-lVabla ("the Bee") which was
then
appearing in London', but, so far as I know, they never obtained a
more
extended use, and I have not heard of anything being printed with them
for the last twenty years. Mr Blunt, in his account of Prince
Maikom
Khan's views, represents the Prince, according to his own narrative,
as exhorting his disciples not to be content with the name aa~a)n
("homo"), but to become worthy of the higher title of insa'` ("vir").
In the Qrfnzin, however, it is the first, and, according to Mr 131unt,
the lower of these two designations, which is applied to the body of
sympathisers and helpers in Persia at whose existence the paper hints.
The following extracts (from No. 4, dated May zo, 890) are typical:--
"A Merchant of Tabriz writes from Erzeroum,' May I be the sacrifice
of Law! Tell me what I can do !' Our answer is this. 'Obtain
possession
of the book of Humanity (ada'~zz.yyai). Read it. Become a man (rz~am),
and strive to further the cause of Humanity according to the measure
of
your understanding.' "One of the 'ulat?ta of Fars writes, 'You are
continually repeating the words "man "(adam) and
"Humanity"(ada'~iyya`).
What do you mean by them ? We, who thirst for justice and are the foes
of oppression, and who, by God's grace, consider ourselves to be
"men,"
in order that, even in what concerns the name, we may differ from
beasts
of prey, proclaim ourselves everywhere as "men."'
"Whoever seeks after justice, is zealous for honour, loves
knowledge,
protects the oppressed, supports progress, and wishes well to the
community is a 'man.'
"One writes from 'Iraq, ' I regard myself as a "man," but from the
"humanity"of me alone what practical result can follow ?'
1. See Blunt, op. cit. pp. 86, 87. A copy of this paper which I
possess,
published in 1887, describ"that year as the se~enteenth of the paper's
existence, so that it would appear to have been founded abont 1870.
+P40
"If you are really a 'man,' the very moment that you open your eyes
and ears a little you will see that you are not alone in Persia."
In the following passage from the same number Siyyid Jamalu'd-Din,
who, as we have already seen, returned to Persia with Nasiru'd-Dm Shah
in the autumn of 1889, is probably intended:-
"A certain eminent preacher, who has a minute knowledge of the
dispositions and characters of each individual servant of the Court,
and
who has for some time been occupied in promoting the cause of '
humanity' with enlightened discrimination and ripe experience, writes,
in the course of other communications:-
"'You have without doubt by this time received information from a
thousand quarters that most persons of intelligence in Persia, to a
far
greater extent than can be imagined abroad, are eagerly thirsting for
the advent of the reign of Law. Io not doubt that the people of this
country, great and small alike, will both inwardly and outwardly help,
sustain and strengthen you. But I regard it as incumbent on myself to
inform you particularly that you must carefully avoid one class of
animals in Persia....' (He alludes to the place-hunting sycophants
who,
devoid of principles, ideals and honour' are ready to abase themselves
before the most detestable tyrants to gain money or decorations.)
"What, then," this number concludes, "must one do?
"One must be a man, find men, unite with men.
"What men and what union?
"Those who know will teach you.
"Who are 'those who know'?
"If you have not yet found them, they will find you!"
The most notable points mentioned in the remaining numbers of the
~7zdn are as follows.
In No. 5 (June 18, 1890) a high tribute is paid to the then Crown
Prince (Wali-'aha), afterwards Muzaffaru'd-Din Shah, who is described
as "concentrating in himself the hopes of Persia, and beloved by all
his
subjects."A description, purporting to be by an inteEligent and
observant European traveller, unofficially encouraged by one of the
great Western Powers to
+P41
visit and report on the state of Persia, is given of the new movement
in favour of Law and Constitution "calied in the current terminology '
the World of Humanity' ~`AIa7r'-i-Ade7niyyat)."Some account is here
given of the organization, wide distribution, enthusiasm and methods
of proselytising of this quasimasonic organization, and of the funds
raised for its support.
In No. 6 (July 18, 1890) occurs the following denunciation (ascribed
to a merchant of Qazwin) of the ever-multiplying concessions to
foreigners which are the chief characteristic of this period:--
"Is there none to ask of this noble youth1, 'By what law do you sell
these rights and privilege~ of our 5ta~ fo~gn ad-J
tve~ttlser~,According
to the Holy Law of Islam and the law of all States, these commercial
transactions are the rightful property o,f the people of this
country)~~
They are the mea-ns-wh-er-eby and the capitai whereon we subsist. How
do you dare to sell to unbelievers the means of livelihood of the
Muslims' Are the people of Persia, then, really dead that you thus put
up their inheritance to auction?"' "Respected merchant," replies
the
editor, "these persons have reason to consider us dead. In a country
where one scintilla of life is visible, and amongst a people in whom
one
sensory nerve remains, what noble minister could impose the burden of
ail this misery and disorder?"
No. 7 (undated, but presumably issued about August 118,18go)
contains
a plea for the higher education of women, ~vhich concludes: "Now that
in Persia many men have become women, it is proper that the women
should
give their husbands some lessons in manhood."Tribute is also paid to
Mirza Yahya Khan Mushiru'd-Dawla.
No. 8 (presumably published about September ~8, ~890) contains a
letter purporting to be from a young man of a noble family of Kirman,
in which for the first time the Shah himself is blamed for the
prevailing disorder. The writer censures the Qand~z for not abandoning
the habit of flattery, although it is printed in a free country, and
for
continuing to praise the Shah and criticize only his ministers. "Who
and
1. I presume that this is meant ironically, and that the
Aminu's-Sultan
is intended.
+P42
what are these ministers?"he asks: "who chose them, and who except the
Shah could find such ministers in the world ? ""We have no right," he
adds, "to find fault with the Amlnu'sSultin. If he were tc' disappear,
the Shah himself would certainly produce someone of even more obscure
origin and detestable attributes. The Shah undoubtedly dislikes worthy
and capable men."As the editor prints this letter without comment, it
may be presumed that his own attitude towards the Shah has begun to
undergo a change. Of the two remaining numbers of the Qan?`n, Nos.
9 and '9, which 1 possess', there is nothing special to be said. The
last was probably published about August ~89~, but as No. 6 is the
last
dated number, it is irDpossible to be precise. As remarked in a
previous
foot-note, the paper seems to have lasted at any rate until about the
middle of ~893, t~ut certain allusions in the later numbers would
suggest that it continued until the reign of Muzaffaru'd-Din Shah,
i.e.
until 1896.
It is difficult to determine the importance of the rdle played by
the
Qafczin in the national a~vakening. We have seen that
it did circulate in Persia to some extent, that it alarmed the ~ Shah
and his ministers, and that men of good position were l
imprisoned and punished for reading it or having it in their i
possession. How far there really did exist in Persia such an !
organized society of reformers (the "World of Humanity "), j
with pass-words and secret assemblies, as is hinted at in the I
pages of the (Qan~in, is another matter. But there was certainly | at
work in Persia another influence far more potent, that of
Siyyid Jamalu'd-Din al-Afghan, svho, though he had been
expelled from Persia about ~886 or t887, returned thither, as
we have seen, at the Sh~h's invitation in the autumn of ~889.
Of this incident in his career the following account is given in
Zaydan's llashahir,~'sh-Shary (~"liastern Celebrities"), part i~, p.
6~ :- "It happened at this juncture that the Paris Exhibition of
1889
was opened, and Siyyid Jamalu'd-Din visited it, and met the Shah at
Munich, the capital of Bavaria, as he was returning from Paris. And
the
Shah invited the Siyyid to
1. See p. 35, suphra, note ad calc.
+P43
accompany him, and the invitation was accepted. So he journeyed with
the
Shah to Persia, and had scarcely reached Tihran when the people again
began to gather round him, seeking to profit by his learning, while
the
Shah displayed no suspicion about his doings, as though his iourney in
Europe had dispelled many of his doubts. Indeed, he brought him near
to
himself, and employed him in discharging many important functions in
his
government, consulting him as to the codifying of laws and the like.
Now
this was grievous to those who had hitherto enjoyed supreme influence,
and especially to the Prime Minister (i.e. the Aminn's-S~cltd?~~, who
secretly suggested to the Shah that these laws, even though they might
not be devoid of advantage, yet were not adapted to the actual state
of
the country, apart from what was likely to result from them as regards
the passing of the Shah's influence into other hands. These
suggestions
were not without their effect on the Shah, until his sentiments began
to shew themselves on his countenance, and Siyyid Jamalu'd-Din,
perceiving the state of the case, asked the Royal permission to retire
to Shah 'Abdu'l~Azim, at a distance of 20 kilometres from Tihran. This
permission was accorded, and there followed him a great multitude of
the
'ula'~a and notables, and the Siyyid used to preach to them and exhort
them to reform their government. And ere eight months had passed his
fame was spread throughout the remotest parts of Persia, and it became
generally reported that he proposed to reform Persia. Then
Nasiru'd-l~ln
Shah, fearing the outcome of this, sent five hundred horsemen to Shah
'Abdu'l-'Azim, and they arrested Jamalu'd-Dln, ~vho Yvas ill at the
time, and dragged him from his bed, and removed him, guarded by fifty
horsemen, to the frontiers of the Ottoman Empire'. This was grievous
to
his disciples in Persia, and they revolted in such manner that the
Shah
was afraid for his life."
An interesting sidelight is thrown on the event last described by a
passage occurring in the cross-examination of
1. The expulsion of Siyyid Jamalu'd-Din from Tihran was announced in
the 7~inirs of Jan. Iz, 1891. He him~elf describes some of its
circumstances in his article on "the Reign of Terror in Persia ' in
the
Conten~tor~z~v JPrvi~ for Feb. 1892, pp. 238-248. See also pp. 11, 15,
etc., supra.
+P44
Mirza Muhammad Riza, published in No. g (July 7, 1907) of - the
Persian newspaper entitled $7ir-i-Isrd~ ('` the Trumpet of Israfll ").
Being asked why he had killed Nasiru'd-Din Shah, seeing that the
sufferings which he had undergone on account of his participation in
the
tobacco riots were primarily due to the AT`'ibu's-SaNena, Prince
Kamran
M[rza, and the Wakilu'd-Dawla, he replied:-
"Justice exempt from prejudice required of the Shah that he should
send a third unprcjudiccd investigator to ascertain the truth of the
matter which lay between me and my antagonists, and his omission to do
this rendered him culpable. What had Siyyid Jamalu'd-Din, that
descendant of the Prophet, that great and eminent man, done that he
should be dragged forth with such ignominy from the sacred precincts
of
Shah 'Abdu'l-'Azim, Land that so roughly] that his upderclothing was
torn ? All this ignominy did he suffer, yet what had he said except
the
truth?"
A little further on, in reply to another question, Mirza Riza
confirms
what has been reported from another independent source as to Siyyid
Jamalu'd-Din's influence in Persia. Asked who his associates and
sympathisers were, he replied: "Those who share my beliefs in this
city
and country are many in all classes, amongst the ~ulamd, the
ministers,
the nobles, the merchants, the artisans and tradesfolk. You know that
when Siyyid Jamalu'd-Din came to this city all the people, of every
class and condition, alike in Tihran and in Shah 'Abdu'l-`Az~m, came
to
visit and see him, and hearkened to his discourses. And since all that
he said was for God, and was dictated solely by a desire for the
public
welfare, everyone benefited by, and was charmed by, his discourses. So
he sowed the seed of these lofty ideals in the ground of men's
hearts!,
and they awoke and came to their senses. No~' everyone holds the same
views that I do; but I swear by God Most High and Almighty, who is the
Creator of Siyyid Jamalu'd-Din and of all mankind, that none save
myself
and the Siyyid was aware of my purpose or intention to kill the Shah.
The Siyyid is in Constantinople: do whatever you can to him.
1. This is the Siyyid's own expression. See his letter translated on
p.
28 supra.
+P45
The proof of what I say, moreover, is clear: for had I divulged to
anyone so great a matter, he would certainly have disclosed it, and my
object would have been defeated. Besides, I have discovered by
experience of what weak stuff these men are made, and how they cling
to
life and position. At that time when the tobacco question and other
matters ~vere toward, and when it was merely a question of reforming
the
state of things, and there was no talk of killing the Shah or anybody
else, all these titled
gentlemen-these 'A~lks," Da-~tlas,' Sa/lanasl, etc., who had all bound
themselves to common action with pen, personal service and money,
saying
that they were ready at any time-no sooner saw that I was arrested
than
they all drew back. But 1, notwithstanding my arrest and all that
followed thereon, mentioned no names, and had I gone round after my
release might have obtained large sums of money from them in return
for
having kept their secret; but, seeing that they were less than men, I
endured hunger and abasement, and would not stretch forth my hand to
anyone."
I myself only met Siyyid Jamalu'd-Din once, I thinl; in the autumn
of
189~, when he visited England after his second expulsion from Persia.
It was at Prince Malkom Khan's house in Holland Park, and I have still
a vivid recollection of that commanding personality. We talked a good
deal about the Bab~s, as to whom he was very well informed (he wrote
an
excellent, but unsympathetic, account of them in Butrus al Bustan;'s
Arabic Encyclopaedia, the Da'ira~'l-Ma'arif ), though he had no great
opinion of them. In the course of conversation I asked him about the
state of Persia, and he answered, so far as I can recollect, that no
reform was to be hoped- for until six or seven heads had been cut off;
"the first," he added, "must be Nasiru'd-Din Shah's, and the second
the
Am~nu'sSultan's. "It is curious to note that both of these were
assassinated,
though Siyyid Jamalu'd-Din survived the Shah less than ten months, and
was survived by the Ammu's-Sultan for ten years.
1. Everybody of any consequence in Persia has a title, and these
titles
are generally cmnpounded ~ith one of these three
words, r.g. Musilr~d.-Dazole ("Cou'~sel]or of the
Empire'), A[esiru'l-,/itll. ("Elelper of the Kingdom "',
/h'~sidn~u's-Salia'`a ('t Pomp of the Sovereig'1ty't1, etc.
+P46
We must now return to the Tobacco Concession, of which, as we
have seen, the subscription-list was issued on Nov. 4-G, 1890. Soon
after this date, I think about Nov. zo, I was invited by one of the
chief promoters of this adventure to visit him in London. Just as I
was
leaving Cambridge I received by post from Constantinople several
numbers
of the Alebtar ("Star"), to which excellent Persian paper I was then a
subscriber. And as I travelled up to London I read
the following article (A[J~'ar for Tuesday, Nov. ~, ~890, No. ~3 of
the
~7th year, pp. ~g, 100):-
"THE TOBACCO CONCESSION IN PERSIA.
"The l Turl~ish] newspaper Sabdic (' Morning ') in the course of the
st~m'ery of IVews contained in its issue No. 430, dated
~5 Rabitu'l-A"wal [A.H. ~3c~o=Nov. 9, 1890], gives a detailed account,
taken from the European Press, of the Tobacco Concession in Persia, to
which it has added some very just observations on its own behalf.
Finding these to be prompted by desire for the welfare of Persia, we
offer the following translation of them.
"Translation.
"The above-mentioned newspaper says:-'We have seen in the European
newspapers an advertisement concerning the allotment of shares in the
Persian Tobacco Monopoly Company, setting forth the fundamental
provisions of the Monopoly Concession and some further information on
this subject. Since n~atters touching the welfare of Muslim States are
always worth an attentive examination, we reproduce these details
here,
together with some observations of our own.
"According to the contents of the above-mentioned advertisement, on
the ninth of Ayar (March), A.r. 1890, in accordance with the will of
the
Shah of Persia, a concession was granted according to the provisions
of
~ hich all the tobacco produced in Persia, with the selling and buying
thereof, has been given into the hands of one individual, under the
title of a monopoly. This concession is for a period of fifty
+P47
years. The concessionnaire will pay yearly into the Persian treasury
fifteen thousand English pounds, in addition to which one quarter of
the
profits will accrue to the Persian Government.
4'The concessionnaire has formed in London a Company of Englishmen
having a capital of f;650,000, which capital will be raised by the
allotment of shares.
"The Controller-General of the Customs of Persia estimates the
amount
of tobacco consumed yearly in Persia at about 5,400,000 kilograms, and
the amount of what is exported at about 4,ooo,ooo kilograms. According
to this calculation, the concessionnai?~e expects to make a net yearly
profit of at least 500,000, and, after deducting from this the fixed
minimum interest of the shares, and one quarter of the profits, which
accrues to the Persian Government, hopes to pay out of the remainder ~
5 per cent. interest as a premium to the shareholders, after which the
remainder will be equally divided between them and the
concessionnaire."'
The writer then repeats the comparison between the Turkish Regie and
the Persian monopoly given in the Company's Prospectus, and admits
that,
if, as is implied, the Concession includes the mnba'`u' as well as the
ordinary tobacco grown in Persia' the figures as to amounts are
probably
not exaggerated; but that even in that case he is very doubtful
whether
such large profits as the cor~cessionnaire expects will be realized.
Even in France, says the writer, where the tobacco monopoly has been
established for fifty years, and the frontiers are well guarded, and
the
custom-houses efficient, smuggling takes place, and in Persia, under
the
conditions actually prevailing, this smuggling is likely to assume far
greater proporticns, and to falsify the optimistic expectations of the
concessionnaire. Notwithstanding this, he blames the Persian
Government
for granting privileges so valuable for so paltry a consideration as
.~
5,ooo a year plus one quarter of the profits, especially as the
Concession includes all the export as well as the internal trade in
tobacco. "Bearing in mind this point," he adds, "one may say that all
the tobacco and ~nb~n of Persia have been
I This is the tobacco used in the Persian yalyd", or water-pipe,
ar,d
is gro~vn largely at Isfahin and other places in the south of Persia.
+P48
handed over to a foreign company, in which case the real gravity of
the
matter exceeds anything that can be imagined."
"This truth," he continues, "is obvious to all, that the exports of
every country are reckoned as one of the principal sources of its
wealth, and that consequently the ruler of every country ought, by all
possible means and in every practicable way, to facilitate and promote
them, and keep them free from every restriction and obstacle. But this
concession and monopoly which the Persian Government has grarited to
the
Pnglish Company is diametrically opposed to these general
considerations, so that the tobacco-growers are left helpless and
defenceless in the hands of the Company, and will be unable to sell
the
produce of their toil at a remunerative price, or to profit by tracle
competition. ConscquetZtly a large number of Persians whose earnings
and
livelihood are exclusively derived from this source will be injured,
and
extraordinary damage will accrue to the mercantile interests of the
country."
The writer points out that the Turkish Regie only controls internal
consumption, and that exports are exempted from its operation, a point
which the culpable negligence of the Persian Government has caused
them
to overlook; and he further indicates several important factors in the
case which entirely differentiate the French Government monopoly from
that which it is proposed to establish in Persia. If the Persian
Government desired to raise an additional revenue from the
tobacco-trade
ea,uivalent to the sum which it ivill obtain from the foreign
concesstonnatre, it could, ~vith a little trouble, easily have done so
without foreign intervention, and without laying on its su~ects an
intolerable and unnecessary burden. "Since," the $a6~ concludes,
"we
are actuated by a sincere desire for the welfare of Persia, and hope
that she may attain the highest summits of progress, and enjoy as she
should do the advantages of her natural wealth, we feel ourselves
compclled to offer these observations; and we trust that the
provisions
and conditions of the above-mentioned monopoly may prove to be other
than the concesswnnaire has proclaimed, and that the ministers of the
State in question have safeguarded the true advantages of their
country
better than we have described."
+P49
To this translation the Akhtar adds the following paragraph
on its own behalf:--
"Hitherto no detailed information has reached us as to the ~3:
conditions of the Tobacco Monopoly Concession in the Persian l Emoire.
but the notice published by the concessto?,naire in the ~t lthr.
European Press is in substance as above described. For the present we
can only say that if the conditions of the Monopoly are as advertised,
then the observations of our respected contemporary the fab~ft are
perfectly correct, and are a proof of its friendly intentions. If they
be otherwise, then the door is~ open for discussion as to what the
provisions of the iarman granting the Concession really are.
"We hope at any rate that our respected Tihran correspondent will
ere
now have written us a detailed account of them, so that we may publish
his letter in our next issue, and add thereto our own observations."
This article gave me some food for reflection, for in those days it
was
not common to find such unqualified censure of the Persian Government
in a Persian newspaper intended to circulate without let or hindrance
in the realms of Nas.iru'd-Dm Shah. It was clear that the Concession
would be very unwelcome to the Persian people and when 1: was asked
later on in the day by its representative whether I was disposed to
accept a post in the new Regie, other objections which I felt to this
course were enormously strengthened by what I had read that morning in
the Akl~tar, and it did not take me long to decide on a negative
answer;
a thing for which I have ever since been profoundly thankful.
We now come to the year 1891, which saw the actual inauguration in
Persia of the obnoxious Concession. On February ~3 a representative
body
of Persian merchants, for whom the Am~u'd-Daw~ (a far more patriotic
minister, so far as one can judge, than his rival the Ant~K,s-st`~n)
acted as spokesman, appealed to the Shah, though without effect,
against
the Monopoly. Signs of the Corporation's activity soon began to
appear.
"lDes le printemps de 189',)
+P50
writes Dr Feuvrier (p 309)1, "une nuee de sujets ou employee anglais
venus d'un peu partout, levantins et autres, stabat sur la Perse.
C'est
une trop bonne aubaine pour que l'on perde du temps."
Hitherto, owing to the absence in Persia at this period of any
independent and public-spirited Press, it is probable that the nature
and scope of the Tobacco Monopoly had been but little realized. As
soon
as it was realized, however, it v~as bitterly and violently resented
throughout the length and breadth of the land. There were, according
to
Dr Feuvrier, to whose excellent book I am chiefly indebted for this
portion of my narrative, risings in the south2, especially at Yazd,
while at Tihran considerable excitement and disturbance prevailed, and
many prominent opponents of the (:oncession were arrested, amongst
whom,
apparently, was Mirza Muhammad Riza, who afterwards attained notoriety
as the assassin of Nas.iru'd-Din Shah.
The matter, as lDr Feuvrier very justly remarks (p. 3'o), concerned
all, for everyone, man and woman, smokes in Persia. '4 Under these
conditions," he says, "how could they be brought to understand the
advantages of the Tobacco Concession ? The Persians could not, without
resistance, submit to being obliged to buy from the English the
tobacco
which they themselves grow and gather in. They will never reconcile
themselves to the idea that their tobacco should pass through the
hands
of Christians, who, in their eyes, render impure what they touch.
"lt is said that the clergy (i.e. the muj~ahz~/s and mullds) are at
the head of the movement, and that the word of command comes from the
?nujtaJ'i~3 at Karbala. This is not astonishing. In my opinion it does
not often fall to the lot of the clergy to champion so popular a
cause."
I The ~nles of April I, r89r, chronicles the departure fro~n
Constantinople of Mr Arnstein, the Ducctor of the Persian Tobacco
Monopoly, with part of his staff' on blarch 30.
The expulsion of the ~I~J,alid Hajji Siyyid 'All Akbar from Shiraz
about
the middle of May for "anti-European fanaticism"gave nse to riots in
whi~ sevenl persons were killed, including a woman and a little girl.
See the references to th~s event in Siyyid Jamilu'd-D;n's letter, p.
zo,
sr~ra.
The maj~zhia! in question was Hajji Mirza Hasan of Shiraz, who died, I
think, in March, 1895. He actually resided at Samarra, not Karbala.
+P51
During the middle of the summer Dr Feuvrier appears to have
accompanied the Shah on his customary hunting expedition, and thus not
to have been in a position to watch the progress of events at the
capital; but from August z', 189T, till the repeal of the obnoxious
Concession on January 5, ~89~, and the final settlement of the
indemnity
to be paid by Persia to the Tobacco Corporation at the beginning of
April) '8g~, he has given us a fairly continuous narrative of the
course
of these momentous events.
In these riots of the later summer Tabriz played the chief part. The
placards of the Tobacco Corporation were torn down and replaced by
revolutionary proclamations. The f1~?zfr JVi.~dm, unable to agree with
the Crown Prince ~ W`zil-'al~) as to the measures required, resigned,
and was replaced by the Amfn-i-f~dr. The Tabrizls protested to the
Sh~h
by telegraph against the bartering of their rights to foreigners and
unbelievers, and announced their intention of defending these rights
by
force. Consultations took place between the ~minutsS`~ - and the
British
Minister (Sir El. Drummond Wolff) on the one hand, and between the
Mushiru'd-Dawla and the Russian Minister on the other, and between
both
these Persian Ministers and the Shah. The Russian Government was
apparently invited by the Shah to intervene for the restoration of
order
at Tabriz, but it wisely and properly confined itself to endeavouring
to effect the abolition of the Concession. The Shah then endeavoured
to
temporize by encouraging an idea suggested by the Regie that Persians
should be employed by it instead of foreigners in Tabriz and
throughout
the province of Azarb~yjan, but the Tabrizis, now thoroughly roused,
would hear of nothing but the immediate abolition of the Regie, of
which
the operation was suspended, so far as that province was concerned,
about the end of September. This naturally encouraged the other cities
of Persia, especially Isfahin and Shlraz, to adopt the same course as
Tabriz, and the popular movement against the Regie was strengthened by
the action of Hajji Mirza Hasan of Shiraz, the m?`jfalid of Samarra'
who
wrote a long letter to the Shah to prove that the Concession
I MuzaFaru'd-Dm MIrza, afterwards Shah. 52
+P52
granted by him to foreigners was contrary to the Q2`r'dn and to the
spirit of Isl;im. Jowards the end of October a certain Siyyid 'lamgir
of Kal~ar-Dasht began to preach revolt, and was soon at the head of
several hundred follow-ers. Sa'du~dI:awla was despatched against him
with hve hundred horsemen on November z. About a fortnight later the
Siyyid was defeated and some two hundred of his followers killed. H e
was brought captive to Tihran under a strong escort, his hands
manacled,
to the joyful strains of a military band; and his captor' Sa'du'd-
Da~vla, on the strength of this heroic exploit, received the title of
general.
At the beginning of December, t89~, a letter arrived from the
~fal''id
of Samarri, HAjji MIrzi Hasan of Shiraz, enjoining on the people the
complete abandonment of tobacco until the Concession should be
repealed.
One cannot sufficiently admire either the wisdom of this
master-stroke,
which, ~vithout any act of rebeliion, rendered worthless the monopoly
of an article now declared unlawful, or the loyalty and
self-abnegation
with which the people followed the lead of their spiritual guide.
"Suddenly, uith perfect accord," says Dr Feuvrier, "all the tobacco-
merchants have closed their shops, all the qa~yalis (ivater-pipes)
have
been put aside' and no one smokes any longer, either in the city, or
in
the Shah's entoz~rage, or even in the women's apartments. ~Nhat
discipline, what obedience, when it is a question of submission to the
counsels-or rather the orders- of an influential m`~, or of a muj~aJ`~
of some celebrity!
' The mnllas," continues Dr Feuvrier, "are really the masters of
the
situation. It is all very well to make the Chief of the Merchants,
Hajji
Muhanomad Hasan, responsible for the closure of the shops, and to
exile
him to Qazwin: everyone knows that one must strike elsewhere if one
wishes to cut the root of the evil. None the less is the Tobacco
Concession sadly compromised, to such a degree that its natural
defenders [~.e. the British Legation] seem anxious to abandon it to
its
fate. I have heard the director himself speak of it in terms of
despair,
while the British Minister' on his part is reported to have said that,
I Sir Frank Lascelles, who arrived to replace Sir H. Dru~ ond Wollf
at Tibran on Nov. 14, 18~.
+P53
in face of this new attitude of the Persians, of this resistance of
which he had not judged them capable, he considered that it was no
longer possible to sustain with advantage the work of his
predecessor."
Throughout the month of December, 1891, matters continued to get
worse. On l~ecember 3, says Dr Feuvrier, the Shah, "whether unwilling
to change his habits, or in order to escape from his nightmare, the
Tobacco Question," decided to go for a tour in the country surrounding
the capital, leaving the Amin~'s-Sult~ to deal with the situation in
Tihrin, where "the storm had begun to growl "; nor would he return at
the request of the Russian Minister, who "regarded the moment as
critical, and considered that there was ground to fear for the lives
of
the Europeans."In Tabriz also the agitation, which had been
temporarily
calmed by the promise that the Regie should not take immediate effect,
broke out again, apparently in sympathy with the general protest of
the
nation. The mu~ grew bolder, and in a conference convened l~y the A
m~K,s-su`~]n to discuss the amount of the compensation which would
have
to be paid to the Corporation to rescind the Concession, one of them
told the Prime Minister that those who had received bribes to obtain
the
Shah's consent (and he mentioned their names) should first of all be
compelled to disgorge their ill-gotten gains. "At Qazw~n another
m~fIla,
seeing a man smoking, requested him to stop, and, on his refusal,
broke
his qal7dn. The smoker complained to the GoYernor, who sent to summon
the mufld; but he had stirred up the populace to such an extent that
the
Governor, threatened in his palace, left the town and escaped to
Tihran.
It is even said that he owed his safety only to his prisoner, the
Chief
of the Merchants', the crowd having allowed the carriage containing
the
two to pass, believing that it carried the pardoned H. ajji Muhammad
Hasan and one of his friends."
On the night of Christmas Day the walls were placarded ~vith notices
threatening foreigners with death unless the Tobacco Concession was
rescinded within forty-eight hours. The anxiety of the European
community and especially of the
1. Who, as remarked on the preceeding page. had been banished to
Oazwin.
+P54
Legations increased to an intolerable extent, and all sorts of rumours
were current. On December 28 soldiers were posted at different points
in the European quarter, and a proclamation announcing the withdrawal
of the Concession was published by the Shah. The people were somewhat
tranquillized, but Hajji Alirza Hasan-i-ShirazI, the ~nu.~tahid of
Samarra, still refused to withdravv the prohibition against the use of
tobacco until it was certain that e~cct had been given to the
Shah's promises.
On January 1, 1892, a telegram at length arrived from Hajji Mirza
Hasan-i-Shirazi, who congratulated the Shah on having withdrawn the
Tobacco Concession, and urged him to withdraw likewise all the
other concessions accorded to foreigners; but made no allusion to the
prohibition against smoking of which he was the author, and which, as
he was well aware, profoundly troubled the habits of the Persians. The
shares of the imperial Bank fell to half their value, On January 3 the
Shah sent a message to the mujtahid Hajji MIrza Hasan-i-ishtiyinI
bidding him either set the example of smoking, or leave the country.
He
chose the latter alternative, but took no steps to carry it out. Great
excitement was manifested by the people on learning this, and soon a
crowd, headed by a Siyyid in his dark blue turban, surrounded the
Shah's
Palace, uttering loud cries of anger, and throwing stones. The troops
fired on the crowd, of whom several fell, including the Siyyid. Seven
persons were killed and about twenty more wounded, but the crowd was
dispersed. Two days later the m'vy'`ah~ Hajji Mirza Hasan-i-shtiyan',
who had neither smoked nor left the town, received from the Shah a
diamond ring as a sign of reconciliation; but he would not accept it
until he was assured of the withdrawal of the Tobacco Concession by
the
issue on the part of the director' of a declaration formally stating
that the Monopoly was at an end, and inviting those who had sold
tobacco
to the Regie to come and reclaim it. But it was not until January 26
that the public crier announced in the streets the definite withdrawal
of the
1. Mr Arnstein. The text of this proclamation is given on p. 34 of the
Awakening of the Persians.
+P55
mullas' interdict on smoking, an announcement received with universal
joy. Two days later some forty of the employis of the late Imperial
Tobacco Corporation, their occupation gone, started for their homes.
"Most of them,~' says Dr Feuvrier, "will doubtless not forget for many
a long day the crises through which they have passed since they
arrived
in Persia, especially those who were here on the day of the riot.
Handsomely compensated, they depart well pleased, to seek their
fortune
elsewhere, to the equally great satisfaction of the Persians."
The Tobacco Concession was ended, but not its consequences, and
amongst these consequences was undoubtedly a great loss of prestige to
England, which had certainly not played the most admirable rdle in
this
deplorable episode, and a corrcsponding gain of prestige to Russia.
The
following entry in Dr Feuvrier's diary under the dates February ~o and
'~ is too significant to be omitted.
"There is no doubt that the action of Russia has counted for much in
the events which have just taken place~. It is the eternal struggle
for
influence between the Russians and the English. This time the Russians
have won beyond all hopes, for the Aminu's-Sult~n, understanding that
the policy he has hitherto followed is condemned, has been clever
enough
to change it in time to avoid his fall, and to arrive at a good
understanding with them. This very day the Prime Minister has effected
his conversion, a fortunate result of the withdrawal of the Tobacco
Concession, which, it may be hoped, will secure the trana,uillity of
the
country.
"The ~4 m''nz~'s-S?vlian has returned from the Russian Legation,
where
he has had an intervie~ with M. de Butzof lasting not less than three
hours. He has given to the Russian Minister the most formal assurances
of his change of attitude, adding, 'You may not believe my words, but
my acts will soon prove their sincerity.,
"The Russians ought to congratulate themselves on this
1. A very curious account of a speech made by the Russian Minister at
a banquet giYen by him about this time to the principal European
residents at Tibran including Mr Arnstein, the manager of the
Concession, will be found on pp. 65-68 of the Awakening of the
Persians.
+P56
result, greatly to be preferred to the fall of the Prime Minister,
whom,
moreoyer, the Sh~h is eager to keep in office. And so M. de 13utzof
must
have been not less sincere than the A'n~n's-SnI~n when he promised him
the support of Russia and his own personal assistance in the
accon~plishment of his task.
'` My Russian sympathies are a secret to no one here: they date from
Montenegro, from nearly twenty years ago. Nor is anyone ignorant of my
a~ection for the Ami?~H'S-S?litZn or my devotion to His Majesty. May I
thereFore be permitted, although I never meddle in politics, to
express
all the pleasure which this reconciliation causes me, and how
earnestly
I hope that it may prove complete and lasting ?
"It may not be superfluous to add that this step was taken by the
Prime Minister after the receipt by the Shah from his representativeS
at St Petersburg and Constantinople of news which has not failed to
touch him. The Tsar is said to have promised to intervene with the
Sultan to settle the frontier difficulty, and, which is much more
important, to arrange the question of the exportation of tun[`ik~i.
'` Feb. ~ ~. His Majesty has received the Russian Minister, and has
confirmed the words of his Prime Minister, while expressing his
satisfaction at the good understanding arrived at between the
Governments of Persia and Russia."
Dr Feuvrier's last entry on this topic, dated April 5, ~89~, runs as
follows:-
"At last an understanding has been arrived at as to the compensation
due to the late Tobacco Corporation. After interminable discussions
there has to-day been signed an agreement between the Persian
Government
and the British Legation, whereby the first undertakes to pay, within
four months, the Sum of 500,000 to the G'rporation, which, in return,
renounces its Concession, and abandons all its immoveable property and
its tobacco destined for ir~ternal consumption in the country; for it
cannot so dispose of a certain quantity of funb~' for which a contract
has been made with Turkey, through intermediary agents, until this
contract is rescinded or an arrangetnent arrived at between the
persons
interested.
+P57
"Thus has been settled a serious affair which has deeply stirred the
country, driYing it to the verge of rebellion. The Persians, after a
few
days of Ramaz'`n', can observe their fast with minds free from this
nightmare."
That the prestige of England should su~er heavily through the
tobacco
fiasco was natural and inevitable. The Concession was iniquitous, and
reRected the greatest discredit on all concerned iri it. The Sh~h, for
a comparatively insignificant personal profit, needlessly and
recklessly
saddled his longsuffering subjects with an intolerable l~urden and
exposed his country to dangers against which she is still struggling,
with what success remains to be seen. The actual loss of life
resulting
from the conRict between him and his people was considerable, and the
amount of su~ering and inconvenience caused still greater. The Persian
Government offered 300,000 compensation to the concess~on1za~res, who
demanded .6So~ooo, and ultimately obtained ~ 500,000, which was
borrowed by the Government at 6 per cent. interest from the Imperial
Bank of Persia on April z7, ~892, thus gratuitously imposing on the
Persian people, who had been entirely ignored by both parties to the
original agreement, an utterly unremunerative additional yearly
expenditure of .~;30,000. The customs of the Persian Gulf were pledged
as a guarantee for the payment of this interest, and the capital was
repayable at the end of forty years. And all this for the enrichment
of
a few greedy English speculators and a handful of traitorous Persian
courtiers and ministers!
Only one great and good thing came out of all this wretched
business.
The Persian people, led by their spiritual guides, and led, moreover,
on the whole with wonderful wisdom and selfrestraint, had shown that
there was a limit to what they would endure, that they were not the
spiritless creatures which they had been supposed to be, and that
henceforth they would have to be reckoned with. From that time
especially, as I believe, dates the national awakening of which we are
still watching the development.
1. Rarnazan in this year (1892) began on March 30 and ended on April
28.
+P58
One does not care to go further into the question of
~7responsibility
for this disastrous Concession, which was severely criticised in
Parliament in February and May, 1892, when several very disagreeable
points were brought out by various speakers, such as Sir G. Trevelyan
and Messrs Cunninghame Graham, Healy and Labouchere, whose strictures
were but weakly repellecl from the Treasury Bench. Such as are curious
to follow the matter further may turn to the reports in Hansard of the
debates of February 22 and May 2, 23 and 26, 1892.
Such a chapter of folly as the history of the Tobacco Con
cession cannot be more fitly concluded than by the following
fatuous paragraph from the Tablet of Saturday, May 21, 1892:-
"THE PERSIAN LOAN.
"It is satisfactory to be able to record that the Persian Government
has thought twice over the proposal to borrow half a million sterling
from the Government of the Tsar. She has preferred to owe the nnoney
she
is called upon to pay as an indemnity to the Tobacco Corporation to
British capitalists. A loan is to be raised in the London market and
brought out by the Imperial Bank of Persia. This happy ending of the
negotiations carried on by Sir Frank Lascelles, our representative at
Teheran, releases the Shah from what promised to be a very
embarrassing
situation, whether regarded hnancially or politically. The terms of
the
loan ha~e not yet been made public, but it is satisf actory to learn
that payment is to be secured on the customs duties of South Persia
and
the Persian Gulf. This arrangement may be pretty confidently relied
upon
to extend the area over which British commerce is supreme. Most
satisfactory advances have been made by British traders in recent
years
throughout the whole of Southern Persia. From Ispahan to the sea the
British merchant is the dominant factor in the commercial world; while
the great ports of the Persian Gulf, Bandar-i-'Abbas, Linga', and
Bushire, are almost wholly supplied by vessels either from England or
Bombay."
1. I have corrected the spelling of the place-names, which are sadly
mutilated in the original, Lingaa, for instance, appearing as
"Singah."
[A photograph of Nasiru'd-Din Shah is bound between pages 58 and 59
with
the following text run under the picture.]
Nasiru'd-Din Shah Qajar
Born July 17, 1831: succeeded to the Throne Sept. 17, 1848:
assassinated May 1, 1896
+P59
CHAPTER III.
THE ASSASSINATION OF NASIRU'D-DIN SH5H.
Nasiru'd-Din Shah, the fourth king of the Qajar dynasty, succeeded to the
throne of Persia on Dhu'l-Qa'da 2', A.H. ~264 (= September 20, A.D. 1848),
and would therefore enter on the fiftieth year of his reign on the same
date
of the year ~3 ~ 3 of the Muhammadan era, equivalent in our reckoning to
May
6, 1896. Great preparations had been made to celebrate his Jubilee, alike
in
Persia, and in every place where Persia had an official representative,
when,
only three days before these celebrations were to have taken place, the
world
was startled by the news of his assassination. About ~ o'clock on the
afternoon of Friday, May ~st, 1896 (= Dhu'l-Qa'da 18, A.H. 1313), His
Majesty, while visiting the Mosque of Shah 'Abdu'l-'Azim, situated some six
or eight miles to the south of Tihran, was shot dead by a certain Mirza
Muhammad Riza of Kirman. The Times asserted, on the authority of its
correspondent, that he was brought back, still alive, to the Palace, and
did
not expire until 4 o'clock in the afternoon; but a well-informed Persian
friend tells me that it was his dead body which was driven back to his
capital, propped up in the royal carriage by the side of the Prime Minister
the Am~u's-Sulter'. The Crown Prince, or Wal{-'ekd, Muzaffaru'd-Din Mirza,
was instantly summoned by telegraph from Tabriz, where he was proclaimed
Shah
on the morrow of his father's death; and shortly afterwards he was
peaceably
crowned at Tihran.
To the student of contemporary history nothing is more entertaining than
to preserve the numerous leading articles' letters and paragraphs which
such
an event as this evokes in the daily Press, and examine them again after
the
lapse of some years' by which time how many confident predictions have been
falsified, how many ingenious: theories disproved, how many
+P60
"well-informed authorities" discredited! It was at first assertcd by the
Times (May 2), Scotsman (May 3), Elgin Courier
(May 3), Manchester Guardian (May 4), Pioneer (May 7),
Graphic (May 9), Spectator (May 9), Morning Post (May 11),
and many other papers, that the Shah's assassin was one of the
Babis, who were variously described as "a secret society and
criminal association "(~'z Co`~1~ier), "a sort of religious...
crusade against the corruption of public and private manners"
(7i~nes), and "a sect...who bear to ordinary Mussulmans the
relation which the (:ovenanters bore to ordinary Protestants"
(Spectator). The illustrated paper St Paul's (May '6) even
went so far as to publish a portrait of I know not what
hashish-eating dervish, with long hair and glassy, staring eyes, and
label it "A Babi, one of the sect to wllich the Shah's
assassin belongs."
This prevalent idea, which was on the face of it extremely
improbable to anyone acquainted with the actual state of BabI
doctrines, ethics and policy, I endeavoured to refute in letters written
on May 3 and published in the 1imes of May 6 and in
the Daz~y New~s of May ~ ~, and I gave a further account of what I then
believed (and what has since been proved~ to be the true
explanation of the murder in the 1'Vew Review for June, ~85~6,
pp. 65~5g. I was at first nearly, but not quite, alone in my
view, but credit is due both to the Vienna correspondent of the
Standard, and to an Armenian correspondent of the Mancizester
Guardian named Andreasian, both of whom made a correct
diagnosis of the case. The latter wrote on May ~, "[ much
fear Russian and English rivalry in Persia may indirectly be
accountable for his (the ShAh's) untimely death at the hands of
an assassin," while the Former, who evidently derived his information
from sources much more trust~vorthy than most of
his prolific colleagues, sent the following communication to the Stndar
of May 12, 1896:--
VIENNA, Monday Night.
"Immediately on the receipt of the news of the late Shah's
assassination, 1 ventured a suggestion that the crime would
prove to be connected with the plan favoured by the Sultan of
Turkey for the unification of the two branches of Islam. This
+P61
now seems really to be the case. The murderer, the Mollah (sic)
Riza, is not a Babist (sic), and the great secret society which
was at the bottom of former attempts' (?) upon the late Shah
had this time nothing to do with the matter, much as the priests in
Persia would like to [asten the crime upon their arch-enemies, It is now
known that Riza was for several months last year an
irimate of the Muzafirhane (read Mus~r-KJuind) near Constantinople kept
by the Sultan for passing Mollahs and Sheiks,
who received a regular allowance from His Majesty's Civil List.
The Sultan, the Sheik and the Mollah had frequent conferences
on the subject of the union of the Shiites with the Sunnites in
the interests of the Caliphate. The true reasons why Riza committed the
murder will not be known for some time, if at all,
as hardly anything will transpire from the torture-chamber
in Persia, but this much is certain, that the Sultan is terribly
annoyed, to say the least, that the man who was more than once
received by him in audience on a matter affecting the Persian
sect of Mohammedanism should have perpetrated the crime."
A few days later the Daily Graphic (May ~5) published "a
chat with Moulvi Rafiuddin Ahmad"on the "Persian Question,"
in which, speaking of the Babls, that eloquent and versatile
Indian writer said:-
"The Babis? No, I don't think they have had anything to
do with it. The crime was due to personal spite. If it is true
that the Sheik Djemal-ed-Din was the instigator, we need not
seek far for the motives. Djemal has been perfectly frank about
them. He hated the Shah for personal reasons, and he said as
much in his Contemporary Review article four years ago."
"Will the Sultan extradite him?"enquired the interviewer.
"If his complicity is proved," answered the Indian, "he
should be surrendered, or perhaps the Sultan might have him
tried in Turkey...just as you are trying Jameson in London "
1. The only attempt on the life of Nasiru'd-Din Shah by Babis (three in
number, nnd acting, apparently, entirely on their own responsibilily)
was made on August 15, 1852. The three were Mulla Fathu'llah of Qum,
Mirza Muhammad of Niriz, and Sadiq of Zanjan, a servant of Mulla Shaykh
'Ali. This attempt gave rise to the horrible persecution ol the Babis
of that period.
2. That is, his article on "The Reign of Terror in Persia," published
in that review in Feb. 1892, pp. 238-248.
+P62
It is, perhaps, not worth while saying much more about the
views expressed by the British Press at this time. There was a
good article by Sir Lepel Grin ;n the Wirze~ee'`tk Cenf~cry for July,
in which he spoke well of the new Shah, Muzaffaru'd-Din,
and expressed the admirable sentiment that it was England's
policy "not, as has been suggested, to come to terms with Russia for a
partition of the country, which would be as wicked as the
partition of Poland, but to "ork for Persian regeneration, which is by
no means hopeless."In another article of the same issue
of the same magazine Mr J. D. Rees, C.l.E., also strove to exculpate
the Babis, and indeed the theory that they had anything
to do with the death of Nasiru'd-D;n Shah was soon abandoned,
cYen by the Persian Government. There was a leader in the
Morning Post of May 11 which revealed an extraordinary
mixture of ignorance (Siyyid Jamalu'd-Din being described
as "the Afghan who is the recognized leader of the Babi")
and shrewdness. There was the usual inane dissertation in
the Spectator of May 9, concluding "Friendship with Russia,
were it only possible, would at all events remove a burden which is now
almost as widespread as is the Queen's dominion or our
trade."The Pioneer, though considering "Reuter's announcement
that the assassin of the Shah was a Babi fanatic...enough to
deprive that tragic event at once of any suspicion of political
significance," maintained, what I still believe to be the true
view, notwithstanding recent jubilations over the Anglo-Russian
Agreement, that Russia's aim"is to secure in Eastern Persia a
base for her advance upon Afghanistan and India, to say nothitlg of the
further projects she cherishes for eventually reaching the Persian
Gulf."
Let us turn, however, fro,m these flowery fields of romance
and rhetoric to the actual facts elicited by cross-examination
from the Shah's assassin, Mirza Muhammad Riza. The probverbal of this
examination, preserved in the Ministry of Justice
Tihran, has only recently been made public in the Sur-i-Israfil
("Trumpet-blast of Israfil")1, in my opinion one of the best of
the many excellent Persian newspapers which the Constitutional
Movement brought into existence during the first period (Aug.
1. It has since been reprinted in the Awakening. pp. 125 et seqq.
[A photograph of Mirza Muhammad Riza of Kirman is bound between pages
62 and 63 with the following text run under the picture.]
Mirza Muhammad Riza of Kirman,
who shot Nasiru'd-Din Shah on May 1, 1896, and was hanged
on August 12, 1896
+P63
1906 June 1908) of its triumph. This proces-verbal begins in
No. 9 of the aforesaid paper, dated July 7, 1907, runs through
several numbers, and includes the cross-examination of others
besides the actual culprit. The translation of it is as follows.
"Proces-verbal of the cross-examinaation of Mirza Muhammad Riza of
Kirman, son of Mulla Husayn 'Aqda'i,1 so far as he has voluntarily made
his declaration in the first instance, without pressure or torture;
and it is indubitable that after the necessary pressure has been applied
he is likely to disclose his motives and ideas more fully."
Question.-- When did you leave Constantinople?"
Answer.-"On the 26th of Rajab, A.H. 1313"[= Jan. 14, 1896].
Q.-"When did you arrive at the Shrine of 'Abdu'l-'Azim?"
A.-"On the 2nd of Shawwal, A.H. 1313"[= March 17, 1896].
Q.-"Where did you stop on the way?"
A.-'At Barfurush I stopped for forty-one days at the
Caravanseray of Hajji Siyyid Husayn, on account of the
roads being obstructed."
Q.-4' How many of you were there who started from
Constantinople 7"
"Myself and Shaykh Abu'l-Q4sim."
Q.-"Who is Shaykh Abu'l-Qasim?"
"The brother of Shaykh Ah. mad-i-Ruhi of Kirman, aged
eighteen years, a tailor by trade."
Q.-"What was his idea in accompanying you?"
A.-"To return to Kirman. After they had arrested his
brother with two others, Mirza Aqa Khan and Hajji Mirza
Hasan Khan, in Constantinople in order to bring them to
Persia, they detained them at Trebizonde. I do not know
whether they are there now or not."
Q.-"After the arrest of his brother, he was frightened and
left ?"
A.-"No. When they arrested his brother, he set off for his
native place with the idea of rejoining his other brother, who
lives there. This brother, Shaykh MahdI, the son of Mulla
Muhammad Ja'far, lives at the end of the Bagh-i-Lala."
Q.-"When you were in Constantinople for what crime and
on what charge did they arrest these three persons ?"
~ 'Aqda, commonly v~ritten A,gidiz on the maps, is a liltle village near
Yazd.
+P64
A.-"The [Persian] Ambassador, 'Ala'u'l-Mulk, as was
currently reported, had a gr, dge against these three persons,
because they paid no attention to him. Since two of these
persons (i.e. Shaykh Ahmad and Mirza Aqa Khan) were
teachers, and knew four languages, they used, in the pursuit
of their profession, to frequent the houses of Muslims, Armenians and
Franks. They used to go to the house of anyone who
wanted to learn. It was asserted that they collected gossip and
made mischief in Persia, so they were accused and arrested.
This was the crime of these tno. As for Haiji M1rza Hasan
Khan, [he was arrested] on account of certain letters which he
was alleged to have ~vritten to the mullas of Najaf and
Kazimayn. It was said that these letters, written at the instigation of
Sayyitl Jamilu'd-Din ancl by his instructions, mld
urging the above-mentioned n~z~llas to support the [Ottoman]
Caliphate, fell into the hands of the LPersian] Prime Minister,
and were the cause of the Ambassador's grudge against them
which led to their arrest."
Q.-"Certain information has reached us here that, on the
occasion of your departure [from Constantinople], you had
another fellow-traveller with you besides Shaykh Abu'l-Qasim,
and that certain instructions had been given to you on the part
of Siyyid Jamilu'd-Din. What are the facts about this?"
A.-"There was no one with me except Abu'l-Qasim. To
this Ghulam Riza, the servant of Kasicifu's-Salta~za, can testify. In
the coffee-house kept by Hajji Muhammad Riza at Batum,
~vhere there are always a number of Persians, this Ghulam
Riza, who had started from Constantinople from twenty to
twenty-five days, more or less, before us, was lodging, carrying on the
trade of a tailor, when ~ve arrived, since several bridges on the road
between Batum and Baku had been destroyed.
Again on the road this side of Tifl's we were joined by a young
man of Ururniyya named Amir Khan, and his brother, who held
the rank of an officer in the cavalry, and, as he informed us,
occupied a house adJoin ing the mansion of 'Ala'u'd-Dawla. These fell
in with us on the railway, and we travelled together to Baku, u hence
Abu'l-Qasim went in the mail-boat by way of UzunAda,
meaning to proceed thence by'lshq-abad (Askabad) and
through Khurasan to Kirman, whilst I and Ghulam Riza and
+P65
the two other Persians, to wit Am(r Khan and his brother,
travelled from Baku to Mashhad-i-Sar, and thence to Birfurush.
Ghulam Riza, after alighting in the caravansaray and unloading
his luggage, went to the house of Intizamu'd-l~awla, whence he
returned, collected his luggage, and went back to the Intizamu'd-Dawla's
house in the Bagh-i-Shah (King's Garden). Three or
four days later he came, dressed in his travelling clothes, embraced
me, and set out for Tihran'~vhile I continued to lodge in
the caravansaray of Hajji Siyyid Husayn. Amir Khan also
remained in Barfurush for twenty-four hours, and then likewise
started for Tihran. That is all."
Q.-'You have not mentioned the instructions which you
are said to have brought thence "[z:e. from Constantinople].
A.-"I had no special instructions, but the Siyyid's attitude
is known to all, and likewise his manner of speech. He is devoid of
caution. He says that they ~z.e. the Shah and his ministers
and governors] are tyrants. That is the way he talks."
Q.-"How' then, did you conceive the idea of murdering His
martyred Majesty ?"
A.-"There needs no 'how.' By reason of the stocks and
chains which I suffered unJustly; the stripes that I endured, so that
I ripped open my belly [in order to escape torture by
suicide]; the agonies that I endured in the house of the
fKa~ib~'s-Salta~za at the Amiriyya Palace, at Qazwin, in the
gaol, and once again in the gaol. For four years and four
months 1 was in chains and in the stocks, though according
to my own convictions I only sought to serve and benefit the
State. Before the occurrence of the Tobacco Riots I had never
meddled in politics. I gave my information only when they
summoned me [for that purpose]."
Q.-"No one had any personal spite or grudge against you.
If so be that it was as you allege, you would have rendered
service, and then no signs of sedition or mischief-making
would have been detected in you. There was no reason for
them to inRict such punishment upon you in return for the
service you had rendered them. It is therefore clear that even
at that time they detected in you signs of sedition and
mischievous activity."
+P66
A.-"Even now, after all this time, I am ready to meet my
accusers, and to let some unprejudiced person investigate the
matter and decide whether I made my true representations
out of love for my country, my nation and the State, albeit
interested persons, in order to estabhsh a claim for services
rendered and to obtain distinctions, salaries, orders, decorations,
etc., endeavoured to make the contrary appear. Even
now I am ready for such investigation "
Q.-"Who were these ' interested persons '?"
~4.-"A lo~v-minded, igac~ble, base-born, vile person, unworthy
of any of these distinctions, to wit, Bla Khan' lVakzlu'd-Dewla, for
whom the JVetib~c's-S`z~?'a entertained an excessive affection." Q.-"
The lrVak~f~c'd-D~zze,la asserts that even at that time he
caused you to be arrested on the ground of seditious documents
and letters known to all; and adds that, had he not arrested
you then, you had already formed this project, as appeared from
the examination conducted at the time, and would perhaps have
done this deed then."
"Then it will be capable of proof in the presence of the
Wakf 17c'd-Dazula.,'
Q.-"Seeing that you yourself admit tllat ail these sufferings
befell you by reason of the Wak~c'd-Daw~z, who hoped thereby
to earn distinction, and the Na'ibu's-Salta"a, on account of his
affection for him, what fault had His martyred Majesty committed? At
most they so represented the affair to him. You
should have sought reparation and revenge from these, who were
the cause of your afflictions, and not have plunged a whole
nation into mourning."
A.-"A king to whom, after he has reigned for fifty years,
affairs can be misrepresented in this fashion, and ~vho does not
investigate them-; a tree whereof the fruits, after all these
years, are such as the l~athc'd-Da'~la, the 'A~/zu's-Sr'/tan, the
A7'zi?c-c-KM4,a'2' and such low-born rogues and scoundrels, who
are the plagues of the lives of the Muslim community-; such
a tree, I say, bearing such fruits, ought to be cut down, that it ~
According to the A~c~ake7`s~g (p. ':~) Bal:i Khin's origin:31 title was
AIrl~fni
+P67
may bear such fruits no longer. ' Tfce ish hegi'~s ~o st'nk at
tfte Jcead, nol at the teili.' [f wrong were done, it was from
above."
Q.-"Even if this were the case, as you assert, still, so far as
you personally were concerned, the Wakf~c~e'-Dazuc'a and Wa'ilcc's-
SaHa~a were most to blame. The late Shah was not irnmaculate2,
and had not knowledge of things unseen. When a man
like the Na ibu's-Saltat a3, who was both the Shah's son and one of the
chief servants of the State, had represented a matter,
especially with such documentary evidence as that which he
had obtained from you, the Shah could not hesitate [to acsept
his account as true]. These persons who were the cause [of
your misfortunes] should have been the objects of your revenge.
This argument which you have advanced is not a sound one.
You are a logician, and a ma~l of philosophical character;
you should support your answer with [better] proofs."
~.-"They had no documentary evidence against me, except
that they produced writing-materials, and by force and violence
extracted the document in question from me in the WeJe~c'd-
Dazuc'a's house, under threats of the triangle and the branding-
iron. Two other persons were present' to wit, the Governor, and
a certain Siyyid, who, in order to annoy the Prime Mhlister,
had on one occasion removed his turban in his presence, and
who was a guest at breakfast. that night, and witnessed what
happened then. I had also been taken before the lVlz'zM's-
Saltar~a on the previous evening."
~-"You, being a sensible man, knew that you ought not
to furnish them with such documentary evidence. On what
pretext did they obtain it from you, and what did they say?"
A.-"The pretext whereby they obtained the document was
this. After I had informed them that there was talk and
murmuring amongst all classes of the people, and that they
I This is a quotation from the Ma~nazu' of Jalalu'd-Din Rurni. The same
proverb exists in Turkish.
s AIa'~drn, a term applier! to the Imams, meaning exempt from all human
frailties. s Kamran M`rza, son of l`'asiru'd-Mn Shah, A leading
reactionai v in these recent times. Ile was born on Dhu'l-Qa'da 19, A.~.
]272 (=July ::, '8s6). ~ ' Breakfast "(~dr) means the meal at which
those who are fasting in Rannazan break their fast after sunset. See
also p. 87 infra.
+P68
would soon proceed to riot and rebellion on account of the
Tobacco Qucstion, and that this discontent ought to be dealt
with before it reached a climax, I said to the Na~ibz~'sSaltana, 'Thou
art the heir to the kingdom, thou art the son of the Shah and his truest
friend; the ship of Stat.e is about to strike on a rock, and this roof
will fall down on thy head, it is not unlikely that the Sovereignty of
Persia, which has endured
for several thousand years, may be imperilled, and that this
Muslim nation may suddenly be blotted out.' Then he swore
an oath, saying, 'I am without prejudice; I only desire reform. Do you
then write a paper to the following effect:-"O true
believers and Muslims! The Tobacco Concession has been
given! The Bank has been created! The tramway, in despite
of the Muslims, is running! The monopoly of wine has been
granted! The mineral rights have been assigned! Sugarmonopolies and
match-monopolies have been accorded! We Muslims will fall entirely into
the hands of foreigners! Little by little Religion will disappear! Now
that our Shah no longer
takes thought for us, do you exert yourselves and show your
spirit! Unite and combine,be brave,defend yourselves!"' This
was approximately the substance of the writing. Such a letter
they gave me as a model, saying, 'Write these thillgs, and we
will show the letter to the Shah, telling him that we found it in ~
the Masjid-i-Shah, where it had been dropped, so that we may l
try to bring about some reform.' The Na~i~oz~'s-Salta~za also
swore that the writing of this document would involve me in
no danger, but would rather place the Government under an
obligation to me, so that I should receive an allowance and be l the
object of its regard. Then, when I went from the Na~ib~'s- l Saltazza's
presence to the Wakilz~'d-Dawla's house, I was again compelled by
violence and threats to write the same words; and l when they had
obtained the document from me, it was as though l God had given them
the whole world. They gathered up the
writing materials, brought out the instruments for branding
and torturing, produced the soldier's triangle, and prepared to l strip
me and tie me to the triangle and question me, saying, l
~ Tell us [the names of] your associates. Where is their meeting- ~
place? Where are your accomplices?' And though I asked, ;
+P69
What meeting-place ? What associates ? I associate with all
men, and have heard rumours from all. Now what Musulman
shall I betray?' they sought to compel me [to make a confession]. Then
I saw that it was now time to take my life in
my hands, and that the occasion was come for me to sacrifice it 1 for
the honour, security and lives of my fellow Muslims. The
pen-knife and scissors, which, in their excessive joy and delight, they
had forgotten to replace in the pen-case, were Iying in the centre of
the room. I looked towards the knife. Rajab-'AIf
Khan noticed this, and picked up the knife. The scissors,
however, still lay by the hearth. The Governor was seated
facing the qilola, repeating his prayers. I said to him, 'I adjure you,
by this qibla, and by the prayer which you are repeating,
tell me what is your object!' At this moment a letter was
brought to them from the lV~ibu's-Saltana, and they read it
and then laid it face downwards. The Governor said, 'This
letter says that it is the Shah's command that you must
without fail divulge your meeting-place and the names of your
associates, or else these instruments of branding and torture are
ready, and the whip is waiting.' Seeing the scissors Iying by
the grate, I said, intending to get at it, 'The branding-iron and
bradawl are not needed: sit on the sofa, so that I may lay the
details of the matter before you.' I then seized the Governor's l hand,
drew him towards the fire-place, and so reached the scissors, l
wherewith I wounded myself in the belly. The blood poured l
down, and, as it ran, I fell to reviling them. Then they were I sorely
vexed, and caused me to be treated medically, and my l
wound to be stitched up. It was after this ordeal that poor, l
innocent I, who, according to my own ideas, had rendered a
service to the State, was, for four years and a half, carried in 1
chains from this prison to that prison, from Tihran to Qazwin, ~4 from
Qazw~n to the common gaol. During these two (sic: ? four) | years and
a half I was released two or three times, but altogether l during this
period I was not at liberty for more than forty days. I had become the
Nawruz 'All Khan-i-Qal'a-Mahmud', or the l
Sabz 'All Khan-i-Maydan-Qal'a'i of the lV~'ibu's-`Saltana and l Bala
Khan." ~ l
Q.-4` Who was Nawruz 'All Khan-i-Qal'a-Mahmudi ? " ll
+P70
A.-"Muhammad Ismatll Wakilu'l-Mu~, the Governor of
Kirman, in orcler to run up a bill of costs, and to increase his salary
and rank, used daily to invent, for the deceiving of the
Government, a pretender to the throne or a rebellious chief;
and for a long while he preoccupied the Government with the
pretended doings of Nawruz 'All Khan-i-Qal'a-Mahmudf. So
likewise the JVd'ib~'s-SaN`z1'a, whenever he had failed in obtaining
some distinction, used to arrest me. My wife obtained
a divorce from me. My eight year old son became a scullion.
~Iy unweaned child was cast out into the streets. The first
time, after two years' imprisonment, that they brought us from
Qazwin, they released ten of us, of whom t~vo were Bab~s, one
Hajji Mulla 'All Akbar-i-Shimrz~d, and the other Hajji Amin.
It was arranged that they should be placed in the gaol, but,
since one of these Babls was wealthy, he sent to His Royal
Highness [the JVa'ib~'s-Saltana] a sum of money, so they
released him, and in his place sent me to the gaol. Evidently
[under such treatment] a man grows sick of iife, and, having
renounced life, does whatever he will. When I went to Constantinople
and described my case in the presence of great
men and in the assemblies of the learned, they blamed me
because, in face of all this oppression and injustice, I had not washed
my hand of life and delivered the world from the hands
of tyrants."
Q.-"All these details which you give do but add point to
my first question. I demand justice from yourself: had you
been in the place of the late Shah, and had the JVa~iburs-Saltana and
the Wa'Wd-Da-~la laid before you a document so worded,
supplementing it with these details, would you have had an~r
choice as to believing it or not? Then in this case those t~vo
persons were to blame, and were more deserving of death
Why was it that you did not resolve to kill them, but rather
set your hand to this grievous deed ?"
A.-"The duty of the Shah, had he been devoid of pre~udice,
was to send a third unprejudiced examiner to investigate
the truth of the matter as between me and them; and, since
he dicl not do so, he was to blame. l~or years the flood of
injustice has engulfed all his subjects. What had Siyyid
+P71
Jamalu'd-Din, that holy man and true descendant of the Prophet,
done to be dragged forth with such ignominy from the sanctuary
of Shah 'Abdu'l-'Az~m ? They tore his under-clothing, they
treated him with all this ignominy, yet what had he said except
the truth ? That lame ~h"nd of Sh~raz, who, instigated by
Siyyid 'Al' Akbar-i-Fal-asiri, denounced the- Qiwam
as an infidel, of what consequence was he that they should come
into the gaol and first strangle him and then cut off his head i' I
myself was in the gaol at the time, and saw what they did
to him. Does God tolerate such deeds ? Are they not
tyranny? Are they not oppression ~ If there be a discerning
eye it will not fail to observe that it was in that very same
place whence they dragged the Siyyid that the Shah was shot.
Are not these poor folk, and this handful of Persian people
a trust from God ? Step forth for a moment from this land
of Persia, and yon will see in ~Iraq-i-'Arab [Mesopotamia], the
Caucasus, 'Ishq-abad [Askabad], and the border-lands of Russia,
thousands of poor Persian subjects who have fled from their own
dear country from the hands of oppression and tyranny, and
have perforce adopted the most miserable means of earning a
livelihood. The porters, s~veepers, donkey-men and lal~ourers
whom you see in those regions are-all Persians'. After all, these flocks
of your sheep need a pasture in which they may graze,
so that their milk may increase, and they may be able both to
suckle their young and to support your milking; not that you
should constantly milk them as long as they have milk to give,
and, when they have none, should devour the Resh from their
bodies. Your sheep are all gone and scattered: this is the result of
tyranny which you see. What and wherefore is this boundless
tyranny and oppression, and what can exceed this? They strip
the very Resh from the bodies to devour it, and to feed therewith their
hawks and birds of venery. From such-and-such an unprincipled wretch
they accept [a bribe of] a hundred thousand
tdmdns, and [in return for this] giYe him complete control over
the lives? property, honour and security of a city or a province. Under
the burden of their oppressions they do so constrain
the poor? captive, helpless people that men are compelled to
'See p. t7 lupra.
+P72
divorce their own wives so that these their lords may take to
wife a hundred. Every year they spend on the 'Azlz~'s-S~l~i~',
who is of no use to the State or the nation? nor serves for the
personal gratification of any one, half a million tdma~zs wrung
from the people by this bloodthirsty and merciless tyranny.
These are matters known to all the people of this city, though
they do not dare to utter them aloud. Now that, as was fated
and predestined, this great deed has been accomplished by my
hands, a heavy burden has been lifted from the hearts of all.
Men are relieved, and all are waiting to see what the new Shah,
lately the Crown Prince (Wal"-`akd), will do, and whether he
will heal men's broken hearts by justice, clemency and upright
ness, or not. If? as men hope and expect, he vouchsafes to his
people some degree of peace and ease, bccornes the means of
his people's tranquillity of mind? and bases his rule on justice and
equity? assuredly all the people will be ready to die for
him? his sovereignty will be firmly established? and his good
will remain inscribed eternally on the page of history,
while it will further conduce to the prolongation of his days
and the good of his health. If? on the other hand, he likewise
adopts this practice and conduct, then this crooked load will
never reach the halting-~lace. Now is the time when, as soon
as he arrives ~at the capital], he should declare and proclaim,
saying? 'O people ! Indeed it hath gone ill with you during this period?
and trouble hath pressed sorely upon you, but this
state of things is now at an end. Now the carpet of justice
is unrolled? and justice shall be our basis. Our scattered people ~
shall be gathered together, hope shall be given them, and proper
arrangementS shall be made for the collection of the taxes under the
superintendence of the elders of the people, so that these l may know
what is required of them, and may bring and pay
over their taxes at a fi~ced and specified time. Tax-gatherer
shall no longer follow ta=-gatherer to add to an original demand for one
t'`ma?` subsidiary exactions raising the amount to ten
~ima'zs, and so forth.'"
~ Nasiru'd-Din Shah's [avo'~rite, a boy of Kurdish exlraction, named
Man~jak, who was very unpopular on account of his bumble origin and bad
manners. He was the Subject of a good deal of attention in lhe Press
when the Shah vrsiled this country in 1889.
+P73
Q.-"Supposing that your idea was really to benefit the
public, and that you did this deed to remove oppression from
all the people' you must at least allow that if your objects could have
been attained without bloodshed it would certah~ly have
been better. Now we are anxious to apply ourselves forthwith
to the reform of these abuses, and our minds must be set at
ease on certain points, so that we may tranquilly undertake the
establishment of a new order oF things. This being so, we must
know who these persons are who are allied with you, and what
ideas they entertain. Know also that, with the sole exception of
yourself, who are the perpetrator of this crime, and who will be put to
death (or perhaps, since your idea was to serve the public welfare, will
escape death), the Government will make no reprisals, since it is not
to its interest to do so. We only want
to know those persons who hold the same views as yourself,
since perhaps at some time we may stand in need of their
advice in our work of reform."
A.-"You make a good point, and I, as I assured you
before, do now swear by my honour, good name and manhood
that I will not lie to you. Those who share my views in this
city and in this country are many, alike amongst the 'niamd, the
ministers, the nobles, the merchants, the trades-people and all
other classes. You know how, when Siyyid Jamalu'd-Din
came to this city, all the people, of every class and kind, alike in
Tihran and in Shah 'Abdu'l-'Azim, came to see him and wait
upon him, and how they listened to his discourses. And since
all that he said was said for God and for the public good,
everyone profited and was charmed by his words. Thus did
he sow the seed of these high ideas in the fallow ground of
men's hearts, and the people awoke and came to their senses.
Now everyone holds the same views that I do; but I swear
by God Most High and Almighty, who is the Creator of Siyyid
Jamalu'd-l);n and of all mankind, that no one, save myself
and the Siyyid, was aware of this idea of mine or of my
intention to kill the Shah. The Siyyid is in Constantinople:
do what you can to him. The proof of what I say is, moreover,
self-evident, for had I communicated to anyone so great
a design, he would certainly have divulged it, and my object
would have been frustrated. Besides, I have discovered by
+P74
experience of how feeble a texture these people are,and how
they love life and position. At the time when the l obacco
Concession and other matters were toward, when it was a
question only of reforming abuses, and there was no talk of
killing the Shah or anyone else, all tnese titled gentlemen,
these -~`lks and -Dawlas and -Salta~as', who had pro
mised coucurrence with pen, endeavour and money, declaring
themselves to l~e ready whenever occasion should demand, no
sooner saw that I had su~red arrest than they all stood aloof.
But I, notwithstanding that long captivity, mentioned not a
single name; so that if, after my release, I had gone round [to
those people], I could have obtained large sums of money from
them for this concealment of their names; but, seeing them to
be cowards, I suffered hunger and misery without stretching out
rny hand for help to anyone."
Q.-"Amongst those persons who, on that earlier occasion,
were notorious as your sympathisers and abettors, Hajji Sayyah.
appears to have been the most substantial ? "
A.-"No, Hajji Sayyah is an irresolute egotist: he never
rendered me any help or service, though he profited by the oc
casion to make the water muddy so that he might catch fish for
the ZiCl'~'s-~`cfla~f. His idea was that perhaps this I~rince might
become King, and the Am~'c'd-lJa-wla Prime Minister, and that
he himself might accumulate some wealth; even as he has now
nearly sixteen thousand `~ens' worth of property in Mahallat.
At this time he obtained from the Zi~"s-S"~as' three thousand
tl`??lans, nominally for Siyyid Jamalu'd Din, of which he gave
nine hundred nI'ndus to the Siyyid and kept the rest himself."
0.-"Before attempting this deed, you might have sought
some protector after your release ~ from prison!, or attached
yourself to some third person, such as the Sadr-i-A'za'n Prime
hIinister), as is the practice of our Persian folk, who take
sanctuary in time of stress, and so fortify themselves, until at length
they are able to give a true account of themselves and so escape from
chastisement. Ycu too should have acted thus, and
then, had your efforts not been crowned with success! you could
still have done this deed. To kill a great King is, after all, no small
matter."
~ CL r~ 4t "rutra and foot~note.
+P75
A.-"Yes, but there is no justification for him who makes
this assertion, inasmuch as on this second occasion I did actually go
to represent my case to the Prime Minister, whereupon
the Nd'ib~'s-Salte?'a again arrested me, saying, 'Why did you
go to the Prime Minister's house ?' Besides, you all know
that as soon as the Na'tbu's-Saltana's foot enters into any
matter, the Prime Minister and the others become very careful,
and dare not speak; or, iC they speak, the Shah pays no
attention."
Q.-"Was this a six-chambered revolver which you had ?"
A.-"No, a Russian five-chambered revolver."
Q.-"Where did you obtain it ?',
A.-"I bought it, in addition to five cartridges, for three
td ma'ns and two qrans, in BarFurush, from a fruit-seller who
exported fruit to Baku."
0.-"When you bought it, did you buy it with this intention
A.-"No, I bought it for self-defence, though I was also
thinking of the Ara~i~'s-Sal~ana."
Q.-"When you used to describe your adventures to the
Siyyid in Constantinople, what answer used he to give?"
A.-"He used to answer: ' In the face of all those wrongs
which you describe as having befallen you, it would have been
a good thing if you had killed the Nd'il~'s-Saltana. What a
poor spirit you had, and how great a love of iifel Such a
tyrant who exercises such tyranny ought to be killed."'
Q.-"In face of so explicit a command from the Siyyid,
why then did you-not kill him, and why did you instead kill
the Shah ? "
A.-"I thought that if I killed him, Nasiru'd-Din Shah, with
that power which he possessed, would kill thousands of people;
and that therefore it was better to cut the root of this tree of
tyranny, not merely its branches and leaves. Thus it was that
I conceived the matter, and set myself to accomplish it."
Q.-"I have heard that you had expressed your intention
of doing this deed on the night when the city would be
illuminated on the occasion of the late Shah's [Jubilee] festival, when
he was to have gone for a walk [through the streets]."
+P76
A.-"No, I had no such intention, and this is no saying of
mine. I did not even knov, that the Shah would F0 for a walk
in the city. nor did I suspect the existence in myself of such
resolution. On ~l hursday I heard that the Shah was coming to
Shah 'Abdu'l-'Azim. I was then thinking of presenting a
petition to the Prime Minister to ask for an assurance that I
should not be molested. I had even written the petition and
had it hl my pocket, and had gone out into the bazd:r to await
the l~rime Minister. Then my heart was turned aside from
the idea of presenting the petition, and all of a sudden I ~vas
possessed by this [new] idea, and went to my room, picked up
the pistol, and passed tl~rough the door of the Imam-zada
Hamza into the Sanctuary before the arrival of the Shah. Then
tile Sh~ih arrived, eutered tile Sanctuary, recited a short form of
Visitation, and was preparblg to approach the Imam-zada
Haruza. He was within a step of the entrance to this when
I fired the pistol 1 "
Q.-"Was His martyred Majesty advancing towards you,
and did he see you or nc~t ? "
A.-"Yes, he saw rne and started when the pistol was fired.
I did not perceive [what happened afterwards]."
Q.-"Do you really not know what happened to the pistol ?
They say that there was ~ woman there who seized the pistol
and carried it off.,'
A.-"No, there was no woman there, and these stories are
nonsense. Has this Persia of ours suddenly turned Nihilist
that such lion-hearted women should appear amongst us ?"
Q.-'I have heard, and it is currently reported, that when the
Sayyicl commissioned you to do this deed he composed a Prayer
of Visitation for you, telling you that you would die a martyr's -
death, and that your tomb and resting-place would'~
oJ ~ery I~erfzne
~hro~'ghout ~e worM the favour'~ shr`~'e2."'
A.-"The Siyyid regards the worship of all things made
by hands as sheer idolatry' and says that one should worship
1 11ere ends the portion cmltained in No. 9 of the S~Jr-~-lrraffJ. The
continuation is from ~'o. Io, dated Allg. '5, rgo7.
2 This is a quotation trom Hafiz.
+P77
only the Creator and prostrate one's self before Him only,
not before the creature. He does not believe in covering
shrines and tombs with gold and silver, and regards a mants
life as really nothing and of no innportance if given for the
sake of a good cause. Although I su~ered all these misfortunes
and hardships for his sake, and he could even hear the
sound of the blows inflicted on me, whenever I used to talk
about or recall my sufferings he used to say, 'Be silent, ancl
do not play the ra~zvea-khtc~an'! Was your father a raweeJz~wan
? Why do you frown and whine ? Tell your story
with the utmost cheerfulness and dignity, even as the Franks
relate those misfortunes which they endure for a good cause
with the most complete cheerfulness."'
Q.-"When you were in Shah 'Abdu'l-'Azim, did Shaykh
Muhammad Andarmanl visit you as he did on the occasion
of your former ~ourney ? Used he to see you and talk to
~,ou, or not ? "
A.-"No, by Allah ! and indeed the people who were there
used to blame him because he neither saluted me nor recognized
me. So also the other inhabitants of Shah 'Abdu'l-'Azfm
neither spoke with me nor showed any signs of friendship
towards me."
Q.-"Shaykh Elusayn, the cousin of Shaylch Muhammad,
said himself that on two occasions he held casual conversation
with you."
A.-"Yes, that is true."
Q.-"What sort of services had Mulla Husayn, the son of
Mirza Muhammad 'All, rendered you ? For he himself said
that he had served you for some time, and that you gave
him nothing."
A.-"He had not rendered me any service: he only wrote
out for me three letters and two advertisements which ~ had
written about my own surgical practice. I had advertised a
cure which I knew of for the BagEdad boil and for scaldhead."
Q.-"On
that day when this Shaykh had gone out for a
I A rasvza-kh7~tn is a kind of professional mourner who moves men to
tears by reciting the woes of the Imams.
+P78
picnic with you, and you had regaled yourself on lettuces and
oxymel, what remark had you made which led him to recite
~he verse-
7~0 U, t'71 the t~rorid it is "ot zoor~h lo :'ex e human beer~"?" A.-"It
would be a very extraordinary thing that I should
~make to one so weak of understanding any observation in connection with
which he should repeat [such] a verse of poetry."
Q.-"That same day, when you returned after eating the
~ lettuces and oxymel, he said that three persons came to see you, 11~
a Siyyid, a Mulla, and another wearing the ~z~la/z (lamb-skin ;, hat),
and talked apart with you in vvhispers for about three
quarters of an hour. Afterwards they departed, and you came
back to your lodgh~g. H;ijji Siyyid Jatfar also said that l~e
was sitth~g at the door of Lhc house when hc saw thell~ comblg,
and got up and went inside. Who were those three persons ? "
A.-"Hajji Mirza Ah~nad of Kirman, together with a
Siyyid whom I did not know. They departed on a journey
with a hundred Cir'`r2~lYS which he had concealed in his turban.', Q.-
`' Do you know whither they went ? It is said that they
went to~vards Hamadan."
- A.-'t No, by Allah ! I do not kno`v in what direction they
went. I only know that they took an augury at the parting
of two roads as to which direction they should take. Their
augury indicated that they should take the upper road towards
Kahr~zak, and they set off in that direction."
Q.-"From their acting thus, in reliance on God, it would
appear that they knew something of your intention, and that,
being known as acquaintances of yours, and fearing that you
might do something for which they might be arrested, they
departed."
A.-"Let there be no mistake: I regard Hajji Mirza
Ahmad as a fool. A man like me, intending to do so great
a deed, would not impart his intention to a man like HajJi
Ilfrza Ahmad."
Q.-"1 have heard that you repeatedly told some of your
friends that you would kill the Prime Minister. What enmity
had you towards him?"
A.-"No, these statements are lies. It is true that in the
+P79
beginning, when they persecuted the Siyyid and drove him into
exile, he conceived a spite against him, believing him to have
been the cause of this vexation, humiliation and banishment.
But afterwarcls, in Constantinople, he was convinced by concurrent
reports that the Prime Minister had nothing to do with
this matter, but that the lVa'ib~'s-Saltana was responsible. I was notr
therefore, intending to kill him."
Q.-' During this period when, having come from Constantinople,
you were lodging at Shah 'Abdu'l-'Azim, did you
ne`-er come to the city?"
A.-"Certainly I did. Once I came here and went straigilt
to the house of Hajji Shaykh Hadi NajmabadI, whose guest I
was for two nights. He entertained me, and I got from him one
'd~;r~fi,` towards my cxpcnscs. Then I again rcturncd to 6;h`SI
'Abdu'l-'AzLm secretly, as I had come to the city."
Q.-"You did not again visit the city or meet anyone ~ "
"No, I never returned."
Q.-"Then where did you meet your son ? "
A.-"I sent a message, and they brought my son to Shah
'Abdurl-'AzLm, where I kept him with me for some days."
Q.-"Who came to Shah 'Abdu'l-'AzLm with your son ? "
A.-"His mother, who was divorced from me some time
ago, brought him, and then returned whence she came. Some
days later she came back and took him home."
Q.-"Wherefore out of all this city did you choose Hajji
Shaykh HadL and go to his house ? Had you some former
acquaintance or special connection with him?"
A.-"Had I not had such former acquaintance and special
connection with him, he would not have entertained me. Hajji
Shaykh Had! cares for nobody. He receives eYeryone in the
street or at his door [lhrithout ceremony]."
Q.-"Does Hajji Shaykh Hadi, then, share your opinions
and ideas ? "
A.-"If he did not, I would not go to his house."
Q.-"Then it is certain that you gave him some hint of your
intention to com,ass the death of the Shah ? "
A.-"No, it was not necessary to give him any hint."
Q.-"Had you any message or letter from Siyyid Jamalu'd
-Din for him?"
+P80
A.-"Is there such a dearth of post-offices and other means
of communication that Ictters should be entrusted for transmission to
me' wl~o am known and suspected everywhere ?
And then what is this that you say? Is Hajji Shaykh Hadl
alone in sharing my ideas ~ The people have become men, and
their eyes and ears are opened."
0.-"If everyone shares your views, then why does every
individual, great or small, man or woman, weep like one who
has lost a child at this catastrophe ? There is not a house
which is not filied with mourning! "
A.-"This organized 2~0urning naturally affects people, and
moves them to pity. But go and look at the miserable condition
of the people outside Now answer me truly, let me see,
after this occurrence was there disorder in the country? Are
the roads and highuays insecure? For this, were it so, would
indeed be the cause of great vexation, sorrow and grief, lest in the
eyes of the Franks and other foreigners ue should become
notorious for savagery and disorder, and lest they should say
that we are still barbarians.,'
Q.-'You, who are so anxious about the country, and think
so much of the honour of the kingdom, why did you not consider
this before? Did you nc~t know that so great a matter would
assuredly cause disorder and confusion ? If this has not
actually happened, it is only by God's wsll and the [new] King's good
fortune.'"
A.-"Yes, that is true, but look at the histories of the Franks:
so 102lg as blood was not shed to accomplish lofty aims, the
object in view was not attained."
Q.-"On the day when the 1r"`am-J?`m'a visited Shah
'Abdu'l-'Az~m and you ~vent and kissed his hand, what did
you say to him, and what did he say to you ?"
A.-' The l~a~n-~m'a came with his sons and the
Mu'~a'nedn'sk-SI~arf~a. I we2lt into the court-yard [of the
Shrile] and kissed his hand. He treated me graciously and
kindly, saying, 'When didst thou come? And with what purpose
?' I answered, ' I came that perhaps in some way I might
obtain security, and so go to the city.' I specially asked him
to intercede for me with the Prime Minister, and to put my
affair right, so that I might be secure from the malice of the
+P81
lYd'ib~'s-Sa~?~e and the WakI~'d-Datllia. But the Ima77~-
J~m'CZ'S sons told me that it was no time to come to the city,
where there were sure to be disturbances in these days, on
account of [the scarcity and dearness of] bread and meat and
copper money, and where riots would occur. The Inta1n-,Rum'a
himself gave me hope and reassured me.',
Q.-"What did you say to the M~'lamadn's~k-SItarl'a, and
what did you whisper to him ?"
A.-"I only asked him to represent my case to the I'~amJumia,
and to urge him to intercede for me."
Q.-"What business had Siyyid 'Ah' Akbar's secretary,
AIulla Sadiq-i-Kusa, with you ? I hear that he visited your
lodging in Shah 'Abdu'l-'Azim several times."
A.-"Siyyid 'All Akbar also came in person to Shah
'Abdu'l-'Az2'm, and I talked with him for about half an hour,
begging him to obtain for me in some way assurances of safety,
so that I might be secure against the malice of those persons
[whom I mentioned before], arid might come into the city.
Siyyid 'All Akbar said, 'I wili have nothing to do with these
matters.' His secretary, Mulla SAdiq, also came once or twice,
and we talked in this fashion. 11ikewise made the same request
of Hajji Shaykh Had; the night I went to his house. He
answered, 'These people are not fit for me to ask favours from,
and this is a thing I will never do.' i'
52.-"Tell us the real truth. How was it that, with all your
fear of coming to the city, where) moreover, you had nowhere
to go except the house of Hajji Shaykh Had2'you still ventured
there] ~ Perhaps you had a letter or message for him ~ "
A.-"No, I had no letter or message. It was only that I
regarded him as more human than others, so that it was possible
to say two words to him."
Q.-"For example, what sort of discourse did you hold with
him ?',
A.-"By Allah! The character of Hjji Shaykh Hadl is
well known, and after what fashion he talks. On the days when
he sits on the ground by the side of the Avenue, he is always
occupied in making 'men.' He has made, up to the present time,
+P82
at least twenty thousand 'men,' has lifted the veil from their
eyes so that all have awakened and understood the matter."
0.-"Is he also on intilT'ate terms and in constant correspondence with
Siyyid Jamilu'd-Din?"
~ "What can I say? I do not rightly know whether
he corresponds with the Siyyid or not, but he has a firm belief
in him, and regards him as a great man. Whoever has even
a little perception understands that the Siyyid stands quite
apart from the men of this age. The realities of ali things lie
open before him; the necks of all the greatest philosophers and
thinkers of Europe and all the world are bowed in ol~eisance to
llim. Not one of the wisest of the age is worthy to be his
servant or his disciple. Evidently, too' Eiajji Shaykh HadI has
sense: he is not lil~e some of these senseless ,~nfIds.... Whoever
appears with these signs and tokens is...i himself. The
Persian ;overnment did not appreciate his worth, and could
not derive advantages and benefits from his honoured being.
They l~anished him with contempt and disrespect. Now go
and see how the Sultan of Turkey appreciates his value. When
the Siyyid went from Persia to London, the Sultan telegraphed
to him several times, saying, 'It is a pity that your auspicious
existence should be passed [ar from the lands of Islam, and that the
Muslims should not derive benefit from it. Come to the
metropolis of Islam, let the Muslim call to prayer sound in shine ears,
and let us live together.' At first the Siyyid would not
consent, but at length Prince Malkom Khan and some others
said to him, 'When such a King is so urgent with thee, it is
surely right to go.' So the Siyyid came to Constantinople, and
the Sultan gave him a lofty mansion, assigned him two hundred
pounds a month for his expenses, sent him supper and luncheon
from the royal kitchen, and always placed at his disposal and
orders the royal horses and carriages. On that day when the
Sultan invited him to the Palace of Yildiz, and kissed his face
as they sat together in the steam-yacht which plies on the lake
in his garden, they discoursed together; and the Siyyid under
took that in a short while he would unite all the States of Islam, draw
them all towards the Caliphate, and make the Sultan the
I Omission in the original. The word Mol~ ~s probably to be understood.
+P83
Commander of the Faithful over all the Muslims. Thus it came
about that he entered into correspondence with all the Sh['ite
divines of Karbala, Najaf and all parts of Persia, and convinced them
by promises, hopes and logical demonstrations that if the
Muhammadan nations would only unite, all the nations on earth
could not prevail against them. They must put aside their
verbal differences concerning 'All and 'Umar, and look at the
question of the Caliphate..., and do this and that.... Just at
this juncture the trouble at Simarra, and the dispute as to the
relations of the late H~Jat~'l-IslLi?ti Mirza-yi-Sh~raz~ with the
inhabitants of Samarra and the SunnlsJ broke out. The Sultan
of Turkey, imagining that the Shah of Persia had specially
fomented this trouble so as to disturb the Ottoman dominions,
held consultations and discussions on this subject with the
Siyyid. He said, 'By reason of the long duration of his reign
and his venerable age, Nasiru d-Din Shah has acquired a power
and prestige such that, if he is firm, the Shi'ite divines and
the people ol Persia will not move to support our ideas or
accomplish our aims. We must therefore think of some plan
for dealing with him personally.' Then he said to the Siyyid,
'Do whatever you can in regard to him, and be not anxious
about anything."'
Q.-"You were not present at the meeting of the Sultan and
the Siyyid: whence, then, have you these details ~ "
~4.-"None was more intimate with the Siyyid than I: he
kept nothing from me. When I was in Constantinople he
treated me with such respect that in the eyes of all men I passed as
second only to him. Saving the Siyyid himself, none was
so highly honoured as I. All these matters the Siyyid himself
related to me, together with the substance of mat~y other conversations
of this sort, which, however, I do not remember,
When he began to talk, he talked without check, as one winds a
watch with a broken main-spring. How could I possibly recollect
all that he said ?',
Q.-"Seeing that you were thus honoured in Constantinople
why did you return to Persia again, to plead with this one and
that one to obtain security for you?"
A.-"It was predestined that I should come, and tllat this
+P84
deed should be accomplished by my instrumentality. I only
wanted to obtain security in order to carry out my idea."
Q.-'`~Well, we are wandering from the point. What happened
then ? Did the letters which the Siyyid wrote to the
's`la'?~cf of the Sh"a and of Persia have any effect ? "
~.-"Yes, all answered, and expressecl their desire to serve
him. Do not you know some of these greedy c~k1~f'`ds and
~`llas ? Will they keep quiet when they hear promises of
money or distinctions ? But, to be brief, after the Siyyid had
maturecl his plans and was about to obtain his results, some
of the Sultan's favourites, those shifty hypocrites who surround and
dominate him, such as Abu'l-Huda and the like, intervened,
desiring to take to themsel~es tile creditof the Siyyid's services. They
made the Sultan sus~'icious of him, on account of his meeting with the
Khedive of Egypt, and suggested to His Majesty
that the Siyyid, despairing of him, wished to make the Khedive
Caliph. The Sultan, too, suffers from melancholy and madness
he is always fancying that his ~romen will come and kill him.
So he grew suspicious, set the secret police to watch the Siyyid, and
deprived him of the horses and carriages which were at his
disposal The Siyyid was annoyed, and declared and insisted
that he would go to London. Thus it was that they became
reconciled again, and the police were stopped from following
him, and he was again provided with horses and carriages.
After the reconciliation, the Siyyid used to say, 'Alas that this man
(meaning the Sultan) is mad, otherwise I would secure for
him the allegiance of all the nations of Islam; but since his name is
great in men's minds, this thing must be done in his name.'
Whoever has seen the Siyyid knows how headstrong he is, and
that he never thinks of himself, neither seeking money, nor
privileges, nor honours. He is the most abstemious of men:
he only desires to glorify Islam. Even now let His Majesty
Muzaffaru'd-Din Shah be inspired with this truth, and summon
the Siyyid, and conciliate him, and he will do this thing in his
illustrious name."
Q.-"You mean that, after all these details which you have
mentioned, [you still believe that] the Siyyid will feel secure
enough to come to Persia?"
A.-"Yes, I know the Siyyid. If the Shah will only suffer
+P85
one of the foreign states to guarantee the safety of his life, he will
care for nothing else: he will come, and will perhaps render a great
service to Islam. Besides he knoNvs that his life is of no small
account, and [that his blood, if shed,] would not dry up
until the Resurrection."
(Coty of the w7'iiing of Alfr~a ~4~d Tur~ K)ul7' Ilazm~'d-
Da-wla ~which he ~zorofe ac tize encl of ~is cross-e~am2~2ion
a1~
sealed wz~ J`zs seal.)
"This is the record of the questions and answers, and of the
preliminary examination of Mtrza Muhammad Riza, carried out
with gentleness and politeness, in several siftings' in the presence of
this house-born slave Abu Turib, and of Hajji Husayn Khan,
captain of the guard of the auspicious Royal Precincts. It is,
however, certain that under torture, and the pressure proper to
such investigation, he will better reveal his aims and intentions. For
the present what appears to this servant from these several
sittings of interrogation conducted by him is this, that he was
never, as he everywhere pretends, thinking of the public welfare and
advantage, but had heard all these vain and absurd ideas
from Sa, yid Jamalu'd-Din, and was only misled by the Siyyid
and became his fida'(devoted instrument) through his excessive
ignorance, and came to do this deed solely at the Siyyid's instigation,
on account of the sufferings which had befallen him.
Now if the Siyyid's ideas are inspired from some other source,
that is a separate question. As regards those absurdities which
he represents as based on his desire for the public weal, it is not
improbable that he had some sympathisers amongst the people.
But in this accursed purpose which he harboured he seems to
have had no accomplice; and if he informed anyone of his intension
beforehand, this too will transpire under torture and
other methods of pressure."
[Signed and sealed by Abu Turab Naz't2z~'d-Da?ola.]
(Co,~y of the derfaralions of Mfrza M'tJ'an`~,ad Ri~a', n~ade by him on
tJie afternoon of 7~uesday, the first of Rabf'n'l-Azuwal, in ~e year
1314 of ~e F1~*t [=August ~o or ~, ~8g6]' i,~
i This was practically the dying statement of Mirza Riza, for he was
hanged on the next day, or the next day but one.
+P86
The Gulistan Garden, in ~e ~bresence of the Farma~z-farn`,
`~,e M"lkbirn'd Daw~, tJie Minis~er of ~c~ences, tize Musizfrn'd-
[Javula, the Ali~z~ster of ~stice a,'d Commerce, the
S~rda'r-z-Kull, tJ~e Wa~'nn'd-Da~vla, the Am6~-i-~?naydn,
a?id I/R6Ui ~sayn 'A ~ ~fluz~, Brigadier- General.)
"My father is Mulla Husayn 'Aqda'~, known as Mulla
Husayn-i-Pidar. I myself, at the begir~ning of my career, went
from Kirman to Yazd in c~onsequence of the aggressions of
hiuhammad Isma'll Khan lPelil'~'l-Al"lk, who seized my
property and gave it to Mulla Abu Ja~far. At Yazd I became
a student and studied for some time. Afterwards I came to
Tihran, and presently embarked on the business of selling
second-hand articles. Five or six years before my first arrest
the ~a~i~,c~s-sRlta,~a bought from me nearly eleven hundred
t~iina?Is, worth of shawls and furs. For a long while I ran
after the money for these, and finally began to demand it with
violent language, until, after he had reduced the sum I demanded by
nearly 300 tzi'ncb~s, and after I had received many thrashings and
cuffs, I got my money, and did not again go near the Wa'ib~'s-S~tana,
until five or six years ago, when the discontent about
the Regie caused the people to murmur. Then the Wakl~'d-
Dawla sent for me, saying, 'Come, ffis Royal Highness [the
lla'ib~'s-Salta'~a] wants to Eneet you.' So I went, and first
he asl~ed me, ' Shall I become King ?' I replied, ' If you win
men's hearts, you will become King.' He said, 'There are
foreign ministers here who will not agree to it.' I replied,
'When the nation has done a thing, what can foreigners
say?'~'
It was asked:-"We have heard that you promised His
Royal Highness that he should reign, saying, 'If you come
forward, I will gather round you seventy thousand men, anc
you will become King."'
He answered:-4` Well, the Waki~'d-Daw~ had said to me,
'His Royal Highness has made this great reception-hal1 for
receiving the people in audience, and aspires to the Throne.
Speak after this fashion, and he will be pleased.' So I spoke
thus.
+P87
"Then His Royal Highness said, ' I hear that you have some
information serviceable to the Government and the Nation.'
"I replied, 'Yes, amongst all classes of the people, ministers,
llllri/Rs, merchants and others, such talk prevails. You must
consider it and take measures to stop it.' After many promises
and oaths, whereby His Royal Highness sought to inspire me with
confidence, I was taken to the WaJzilu'd-Dawlats house. 'Abdu'llah Khan
the Governor was there, together with that Siyyid
who had once insulted the Prime Minister and had been deprived
of his turban. They bade me write a document to this effect:-
'~'0 believers! O Muslims! The Tobacco Concession is
gone. The Karun River is gone. The manufacture of sugar
is gone. The Ahwaz Road is gone. The Bank is come.
The Tramway is come. The country is fallen into the hands
of foreigners. Now that the Shah is heedless [of our interests], let us
take the matter into our own hands."'
Here it was asked:-"All these things were means of progress.
If you seek the progress of the Nation, which of these
items gave you cause for complaint?"
He answered:-"Yes, if they had been effected by our own
hands they would have conduced to progress, but not by the
hands of foreigners.
"To be brief, they said:-'Write the document, and we will
give it to the Shah, telling him that it was dropped in the Masjid-i-
Shah, where we found it. Then he will eRect some reform.'
I would not write it, but they persisted, and finally I wrote it. I had
hardly finished doing so when they snatched it from my
hands as though they had found a treasure. They collected the
writing-materials into the gala~n-dan (pen-case), but ~n the excess of
their joy they forgot the pen-knife and scissors. Then they
began to threaten, saying, 'Tell us the names of thy associates.' They
brought a branding-iron, and in vain did I cry, 'None are
n~y associates. This talk ;s current amongst all. Whom shall
I get into trouble ? Every poor ~uretch who has one day wished
me good morrow i,'
"So I sa~v that it was now the time to sacrifice myself.
I cast a glance at the pen-knife. Rajab'Ali Khan noticed this.
and picked it up. I looked and saw the scissors Iying by the
+P88
fire-place. I said to 'Abdu'llah Khan: 'By this qibla which
thou art facing I adjure thee to tell me what is thy object!'
He answered, 'Our object is this, that thou shouldest tell us
who are thy associates.' I said,~Come here, that I may tell
thee'; and so saying I drew him towards the fire-place. Then
I picked up the scissors and ripped open my belly. The blood
poured down; and they came and brought a surgeon to stitch
up the wound. I was never in the company of those persons who
wrote and circulated [seditious] proclamations. When Siyyid
Jamalu'd-Din came here, some persons heard his denunciations,
and were moved to enthusiasm the~eby, like Mirza'Abdu'llah
the physician, Mirz~ Nasru'llah Khan and M'rza Faraju'llah
Khan. These went and wrote certain papers which they sent
into the provinces, so that they came back stamped with the
provincial post-marks. Mirza Hasan Khan, grandson of the Sabib-
DIw~an, enthusiastically supported this association, because he
had seen the Siyyid and heard his words. Some of his associates
were (rying their own fish. Of these was Hajji Sayyah, who
wished to make the Z'flu's-Sultan King and someone else Prime
Minister. In short, after they had arrested these persons, they
came one day and said, 'Come to the Amiriyya Palace: His
Royal Highness wishes to see yGU.' SO they put me in a carriage
and brought me to the Am~rlyya Palace, where they assembled
us all in the great audience-hall. Suddenly we saw the soldiers
of the guard enter. We being then overwhelmed with consternation, Mirza
Nasru'llah Xhan and Mirza Faraju'llah Khan
began to bid one another farewell. There was a terrible commotion. Then
they again put us in carriages, and brought us
to Qazv`;n, escorted by cavalry with pomp and circumstance.
They conveyed us to Qaz~vin in nine hours. There the Se'~'s-
Saltana, though he dealt very hardly with us, did nevertheless
provide us with sufficient means of livelihood. Whilst we were
there, the agitation against the Regie broke out. After sixteen
months they brought us the good news of our release. A tailor
came to measure each of us for a suit of clothes. Then they
sent us to Tibran, where we went straight to the AmlrIyya
Palace. There they took something for His Royal Highness
from such as had money. Amongst us uere two Babis, one
+P89
of whom was wealthy. He gave money and was set at liberty,
as were also the others, but again they removed unfortunate me
together with another Babi to the gaol, where I was confined for
fourteen months. One day I began to cry and shout within the
gaolJ saying,' If I am to be put to death, let them kill me, and if I
am to be forgiven, let them forgive me! What sort of
Muhammadanism is this ?' Thereupon the I,IAj~'d-Dawha'
came in with a body of his ';~-girazabs (executioners), and,
instead of soothing me, tied me to the sticks and gave me
a sound thrashing. At length I was released from the gaol.
After much reflection, I finally came to the conclusion that
I should go and place myself under the protection of the I?~a"~
J,~o"a, he being both a chief man amongst the people, and
also connected with the court. There, at the ]?~Z-jUm'a'5
house, I met the Prime Minister, and presented to him a petition. Some
days later I saw that Na'ib Mahmud had sent the chief
faw.dsh-bashl to say to the Im~m-,~m'a, 'Tell Mirza Muhammad
Riza to come, for our master wants him to give him money.'
I refused to go, but the Imam-Jum'a said, 'Go, no harm will
come to thee.' So I went to His Royal Highness. First he
said to me, 'Why did you go to the Prime Minister's house?'
I answered, 'I did not go.' Then Nd'ib Mahmud said, 'Come
to the treasury and get your money.' I went there, and saw
Husayn Khan the treasurer whisper something into the ear
of Na'ib Mah. mud Khan. Then he said [to' me], 'Come, let us
to the Caravansaray of the T~Vazir-i-Ni.z~m, and I will give
you an order to obtain the money from one of the merchants.'
So we went out, and I found that they were taking me back to
the gaol. In short, without reason or crime, I was in fetters
and bonds, now in the gaol, now in Qazwin. What sufferings
I endured ! Why should a man [under such conditions] continue
to desire iIfe? On this last occasion [of release]' His Royal
Highness gave me ten ~mans, and the WakIlu'd-Dazvia fifteen
tr~mans. I went to Constantinople. Siyyid Jamalu'd-Dlrt, when
he heard the account of my adventures, said,' How poor-spirited
wert thou I Why didst thou not kill [one of thy tormentors] 7'
This title, which means "the Chamberlain of the State," is, so
far as I know, always given to the Chief Executioner.
+P90
On my return [to Persia], I came to Barfurush, and stayed in
tile Caravansaray of Hajji Sayyirl llusayn. Then I bought
from a fruit-seller a Russian five-chambered revolver with five
cartridges for three t~ma?'s and two ~rans. ~ was then thinking
of the Ne'ib~'s-Saita"a, until, two days before the Nawruz,
I came to Shah 'Abdu'l-'Azim. There I remained, save for two
nights which I passed in the city at the house of Hajji Shaykh
HadI. I asked him to give me a letter of recommendation to
the Amfn-i-k~z~m~fyd1~, whorn I had heard spoken of as a 'man',' and who
I thought would protect me. Ejajji Shaykh HadL said,
'I have no confidence in him, and I will not write.' I returned ~to him]
twice. I went absolutely nowhere else. [The stories about]
my going to Surkh-H isar and Zarganda by the garden of Wasrn's-
SaHana are all iies. While I was in Sh~h ~Abdu'l-'Az~m I sought
protection from all the ~masters' and "`lama-from the Imam
[-J'`~n'a], Siyyid 'All Akbar, and the rest-begging them to
obtain an amnesty for me, but not one of them paid any heed
to my words. One day, moreover, the Prime Minister came to
Safa'iyya. I had written a petition, intending to present it, but after
all he did not visit Sh ah 'Abdu'l-'Az;m."
Here it was asked:-'` Is it true that the servants of the
a~ldiz~f' (women's apartments) were in accord with you, and
used to give you information?"
E]e answered:-"What words are these ? How were they
capable of giving me information ? On Thursday it was
rumoured in Shah 'Abdu'l-&Azim that on the morrow the Shah
~vould visit the shrine. They watered and swept the ground.
In the morning I heard that the Prime Minister would come
before the Shah. I had ~vritten a petition, and came out into
the ba~r to present it. I know not how it ~vas that there this
idea took possession of me. I said to myself,'MIrza Muhammad
Riza, turn backl Perhaps this day your main object may be
accomplished"I went and got the pistol, and went into the
Sanctuary through the door of the Imam-zada Hamza, and stood
there until the Shah arrived, and what happened happened. I
am a fatalist I believe that not a leaf falls from the tree save in
accordance with the decree of Destiny. Now in my own
1 i.~. one of Prince Malkom Khan's "men."See p. 39 s~ra.
+P91
opinion I have rendered a service to all creatures, and to the
Nation and the State alike. I have watered this seed, and it is
beginning to sprout. All men were asleep, and they are now
awakening. I have uprooted a dry and fruitless tree under
which all sorts of noxious animals and ravenous beasts were
gathered together, and I have dispersed these animals. Now,
beside the spot where that tree stood, there hath arisen a young sapling
like Muzaffaru'd-Din Shah, verdant, cheerful and vigorous, from whom all
manner of good fruits may be hoped.
"Do you noyv be in sympathy with your subjects. All have
gone, all are finished. I have seen something of foreign lands.
See what others have done, and do likewise. Nor is it necessary
that you should construct a Code of Laws now. To construct
such a Code in Persia at prcscnt would be like thrusting a
mouthful of bread and roasted meat into the throat of a newly
born child; it would certainly be suffocated. But take counsel
with the people. Ask, for instance, such-and-such a head-man
of such-and-such a village how the taxes should be collected
from him, and how he should be treated, so that he should be
content. As he answers you, so deal with him. Thus shall the
distribution of bread be duly ordered, and oppression be brought to an
end.t'
Here it was asked:-"You, being a fatalist, should know
that it is not ordained by Fate that these things should yet be
in this country."
He answered:-"That is not so. Do you, then, not sweep
your house because it is not ordained by Fate? "
It was asked:-~ Did you ever think, during this period, of
killing the Prime Minister ?"
He answered:-"I had no such thought. Now that I have
done this deed I have no further hope of life, since it would
need a magnanimity but one degree short of the magnanimity
of God to pardon me."
He was questioned concerning the instructions given to him
by Siyyid Jamalu'd-Dm, and of the Sultan's conversations with
the Siyyid.
He answered:-"When the disturbance at Samarra broke out,
and disputation and strife arose between the Shi'ite followers of
+P92
the late MIrza-yi-ShiriSz' and the inhabitants of Samarra, the
Sultan believed that it was all caused by the instigation of
Nasiru'd-Din Shah. So he said to the Siyyid, 'Do whatever
you can about the Shah, and be under no apprehension.' So
when I described to the Siyyid my misfortunes, sufferings,
imprisonments, and torments, he said to me, 'How yoor-spirited
you were, and how great was your love of life! You should
have kil]ed the tyrant. Why did you not kill him ?' Now
there ~vas in a,uestion no tyrant except the Shah and Prince
Na~ilJ:c's- Saltana; and though I was thinking of the latter also, yet
on tl~at day my mind decided that it should be the Shah.
I said to myself, 'The Tree of Tyranny must be cut down at
the roots, and then its branches and leaves will wither in the
natural course of things.'"
It was asked:-`' On the thirteenth day after the Festival
[of the llawrf`~] did you see the I"ima^'s-Sal~ana at Shah
'Abdu'l-'Azm, or notP"
He answered:-"Yes, ~ saw him with the Sha~nsn'l-'Ulama,
but did not speak with him. He was a cunning fellow, and
pretended great devotion to the Siyyid, who, however, used to
say of him, ~ He is a bad-hearted man, and no confidence should
be reposed in him.",
It was asked:-"What kith and kin have you ~ "
He answered.-"I have a wife, who is the Mirza's sister,
two children, and one aged sister in Kirman, whose son, named
Mashhadi [Muhammad] 'All, I have left under the care of Hajji
Siyyid Khalaf
It was asked:-"What was the reason and the occasion of
your acquaintance witl1 Siyyid Jamalu'd-D[n ? "
He answered:-"I was with Haj~i Muhammad Hasan, and
when the Siyyid came to Tihran and stayed at the H. ajji's
house, I was deputed to entertain him, and so I became acquainted with
him.~'
It was said:-.' It is commonly reported that you murdered
a sister of yours at Kirman."
He answered:-' God caused her death, but they suspected
me, and said I had killed her."
Here ends the interrogation of Mirza Muhammad Riza, who
+P93
was publicly hanged on the next day, or the next day but one,
August l', tS96. Such as take pleasure in what is gruesome
will find reproduced (facing p. ~6) a photograph of the execution in Dr
Walter Schulz's Das Re~seluck ~ra/`i"' Begs, oder
die lVachteiligen Folgen seines Patriolis~nus, aus de,?` Persischen
i`bersetst. He could, and, as his cross-examination shews, did
expect no better fate; and indeed it says much for the milder
character of Muzaffaru'd-Din Shah that a more horrible death
was not inflicted. I am assured, moreover, not by Persian
officials, but by Persians somewhat of MIrza Riza's own
standing, who in some cases, perhaps, felt something of sympathy and
even of admiration for him, that he was not
subjected to torture. Three other victims, all of whom he mentions (p.
63 sl~ra) as amongst his associates at Constantinople,
were extradited thence on the demand of the Persian Government,
and were, as already narrated, secretly put to death in
the prison at Tabriz on July 17, 1896, though for a long while
their fate remained uncertain. Of these the most notable was
Hajji Shaykh Ahmad of Kirnan, a man of much learning and
imposing appearance, with whom I maintained for some time
a literary correspondence, begun by him on October 8, 1890,
and continued, I think, intermittently until January 3, 1894
He obtained or caused to be copied for me many rare and
precious books' end that at a very moderate price, and, though
I never saw him, I formed a high opinion of his ability and
integrity. This was, apparently, shared by Major D. C. Phillott, who
edited his clever translation into Persian of Morier's Adz~en~res of
Hayf Bd:~d of Ispaban (Calcutta, 1905), to which his
portrait is prefixed as the frontispiece. Of him and his friend
and fellow-sufferer, MIrza Aqa Khan, Major Phillott gives the
following account in his English Introduction to the work in
question (pp. vii-viii):-
"The Persian translator of this work, whose portrait forms
the frontispiece!, is the late LIajji Shaykh Ahmad-i-Kirmani'
son of Mu111 Muhammad Ja'far-i-P`sh-namaz. His story is
I The tablet which Shaykh Ahmad is supporting in the photograph bears
the inscription (in Turkish) TaH'at-a~a~ dgaryoy' "There is nothing
besides Nature."
+P94
simple but tragic. He belonged to the B'abf sect'. After
studying Arabic in Kirman, he removed to Ispahan, where he
~as joined by Mirzi Aqa Khan of Kirm~an, also of the same
obnoxious sect. In A.H. [ 30g [= A.~. Ic0~0o7-o1 the two went tn
L:onstantinople' for the purpose of studying foreign languages3. In this
city Hajji Shaykh Ahmad, while earning his living as a
teacher of eastern languages, is said to have acquired a knowledge of
English, French and Western Turkish. Assistod by
Mirza Hab~b, a poet from Ispahan4, he translated into Persian
several French and English works, including hraJji B~a and
Gil B`as. He was also the author of several works on 1.Yiima~s.
His companion, Aq~t Khin, was the capable editor of the now
defunct A~tar6, a newspaper which, though printed in Constantinople,
had a wide circulation in India and Persia.
"The two companfons married sisters, daughters of the BabI
leader, Mirzi Yahya of Mizandaran, better known by the Babf
title of Su~c-i-Azal.
"While in Constantinoplc, Hijji Shaykh Ahmad and Mirzi
Aq~ Khan ~vere accused by the Pers~an authorities of con
spiracy, tried by order of the Turkish Sultan, and acquitted.
The Sultan, it is said, ~nade them a grant of five hundred
'a?'s as a compensation for their sufferings.
"The companions next appear as followers of Siyyid
Jamalu'd-D'n, a Babi leader (sic!)', afterwards suspected of
' In the Cotalo~ ~ce ard Descr~ f ro~z of ~ 7 f9dbf MSS., which I
published in the J.A.S.
for 1892 (Vol. XXIY, PP. 433-4gg and 637-7ro) he is the person described
on p. 435 as "Shaykh A-, a learned Azall resident in Constantinople, who
is in constant communication with Subh-i.Azal, and is implicitly trusted
by him, and of whose learning and b~tegrity alike I have llad good
proof," and he uas the sender of all the MSS. in the class-marks of
which the letters 6~ C. are employed. My correspondence with him, as I
have already said, began in October, 1890. Cf. Mirza Riza's statement
on p. 64 supra.
~ Mfrza Habib was a fine scholar as well as a poet. He wrote an
excellent treatise on Persian grammar intilled Dastr~r-i-S~han, and a
~Yisio~r of Cafligrapf~ an] Calfigraphrs~, the formerin Persian, the
latter in Turkish.
~ Probably his f~asl't ~iArsJ'6 a nnanuscript in ~ volumes, described
by me on pp. 680-697 of the abo~e-mentioned article, is intended.
s It was suspended in February, 189~. The chief editor, Mirza Muhammad
Tahir of Isfahan, is still living at Constantinople.
' I have already pointed out (p. 4r `~ tra) that Siyyid Jamalu'd-Din
~vas not a Babi, and had liule sympathy with the Babis, though wdl
acqua~nted with their history and doctrines.
Sbaykh Al!mad "l~i~l!~ "of lTirman
(born nl~out r9ss)
Mirza Aqa l~han of ~irman
'b53)
Mirza Hasan Khan ~fhal~n~'l-Mu~
THREE OF Siyyid JAMALU D L)IN s DfSCIPLES, SECRETLY PUT TO
DEATH AT IABRtZ ON J ULY ~ 7, 1896
SElAN KH AHb1AD OF KIRMAN
+P95
being the instigator of the assassination of Nasiru'd-D;n Shah.
While followers of this religious teacher, they wrote letters to various
m~'j~abia~s in PersiaJ exhorting them to cast away
sectarian differences, to make common cause with the Sunnls,
and to join Turkey in resisting 'the oppression of foreigners.'
The correspondence was seized by the Persian officials in
Persia, who demanded from the Sultan the surrender of the
writers'. The offenders were being conveyed to Persia when
the Sultan wired to have them detained in Trebizonde,. Hanif
[? Mun;f] Pasha, the Turkish Ambassador, then starting for the
Court of Tihran to convey to the Shah on his attaining to the soth year
of his reign the congratulations of the Sultan, was to take the
opportunity of soliciting from the Shah the release of the
offenders. The request was not preferred, for a few days before
the celebration of his Jubilee, the unfortunate Nasiru'd-D[n
Shah was assassinated in the Shrine of Shah 'Abdu'l-'Azim.
"This assassination sealed the fate of the unfortunate
Shaykh Ahmad and of his equally unfortunate comrade, and
orders were issued to have them forwarded from Trebizonde
to Tihran. They never reached their destination.
46 A wire from Tihran. to Tabr~z, and the two suspects were
secretly butchered in a kitchen, in the presence of the Governor, who-
so it is said-while superintending the execution `vas
moved to tears. The butchery was carried out on the 4th of
Safar, A.H. T314 [=July '5, '8g6]'. The bodies were afterwards
thrown into a well.
"The mothers of Shaykh Ahmad and his comrade, two
illiterate old women, are still [November, ~goz] in Kirman in
ignorance of the fate of their sons; in ignorance of the fact
that they are no longer in Constantinople alive and well and
'too busy to write'.'
"The fate of the Shah alarmed the Sultan, and Say~ id
See the cross~examination of Mtrza bluhammad Riza, p. 64 su,dra. ~ This
detail of the first arrest of these men explains a statement by M;rza
Riza (p. 63 supra) which was obscure to me.
~ i.~. nearly a month before the execution of the Shah's assassin, Mtrza
ilohammad Riza.
~ Since most of the inhabitants of Kirman must have kno~ n the truth,
this kindly reticence speaks volumes as to the ability of the Persians
to keep a secret, even q hen
it is known to many.
+P96
Jamalu'd-Din, the Babi leader mentioned above, died suddenly
'rom drinking a cud, of cof~cc'.'
'` Such s the brief outline of the translator's history, a
history told to the writer in secret and in bits by Persians
whose evidence is entitled to every consideration. For obvious
reasons names and some details are omitted."
The third Persian incriminated at Constantinople, M'rza
Hasan Khan Kl~abzrr`'l-JI]uI~, suffered death with his two
companions. Siyyid Jamalu'd-l~in, the greatest of those on
whom suspicion of complicity in the Shah's death fell, was
arrested Otl or about May 5, ~8gG, and examined at Yildiz
Palace, but nothing incriminating was found in his papers, and
he ~vas released. His extradition was demanded by the 1'ersiatl
Government, but, though it is notorious in Persia that he was
a Persian and a native of Hamadan, it was claimed and maintained that
he was an A~han (as he himself asserted), and his
extradition was refused by the Turkish authorities. It is
admitted that he died in the following March of cancer in the
lip, but many Persians believe that he was inoculated with this
disease by Sultan 'Abdu'l-Hamid's astrologer Abu'l-Huda, by
means of a poisoned tooth-pick. The Turks deny this, and
indeed I am doubtful whetiter the thing is possible; at any rate the
truth of the matter can hardly be discovered now. He was
buried, according to the biography of him given in Part I! of
Jurji Zaydan's lil`'s~fr"'sk-S'ar~ (p. 64), in the cemetery of
SheykCer flle~-arl~gh', near Nishan Tash, at Constantinople3.
The cross-examinations of Mirza Muhammad Riza's divorced
wife, of his son Taqi, and of other persons connected with him
is also given in succeeding numbers of the S'`r-~-Israffl (Nos. ~ ~, '3
and ~7). They throw little fresh light on the matter, and
do not seem to me worth translation. The son either was, or
feigned to be, both stupid and unobservant, and only indicated
the name of a ccrtair1 N~ib Gllulam I lusaytl who associated
1 Siyyid lamalu'd-l)ln was attacked by cancer of the lip to~ards the end
of 1896, and died on March 9, '89`, ten months after the assassi'~ation
of the Shah. A pbotograph of hirn, taken in his last illness, is
reproduced at p. 63 of Jurji Zaydan's Malha'hf~c'sA-Sharq (`'Eastern
Celebrities"), Part l~ (Cairo, 1903~. 2. These matters have been already
discussed in Chapter I. See p. ~ ~ I~`,pr:~.
+P97
with Mirza Riza. The wife (Taqi's mother) testified to his
in~tuation for Siyyid Jamilu'd-Din, and added that when the
Siyyid was deported from Persia "he used to weep night and
day, and became like one demented."Mulla Husayn, the SOtZ
of Mirza Muhammad 'All, the custodian of the tomb of the
Surdrn's-Saltana, and Shaykh Muhammad were also examined
with little result. The main facts, however, were clear enough,
and, I think, fairly agree with the account which I published
a month after the event in the JVew Retftezv for June, ~896,
pp. 65i - . "Shaykh Jamalu'd-Dn," ~ concluded, "apart from
his personal enmities, has without doubt a great ideal. the
desire to unite in one mighty nation all Muhammadan peoples,
and to restore the ancient power and glory of Islam. To check
European encroachment in the East is a necessary part of this
scheme; and any Muhammadan potentate who encourages, or
acquiesces in, an extension of Western in~Quence in his domains
must be regarded by the promoters of this movement as an
enemy to their cause. Thus, the blood of Nasiru'd-Din Shah
is the price paid for successive triumphs of English and Russian
diplomacy in Persia.
' 7.hat Royal blood qvhich leaves ils cri'~son staiz
7Jrere in the 7nos~ue, beyond the inner chain,
7~hou deemest shed by fEastc7n lust of blood:
~otsof 'tzuas shed by Western greed for gain!"'
+P98
CHAPTER IV.
THE GRANTING OF THE CONSTITUTION BY
MUZAFFARU'D-DIN SHAH.
(Crowned June 8, 1896; died January 4, 1907.)
THE character of Muzaffaru'd-Din Shah, whose relatively
short reign will be ever memorable for the granting of the
Constitution, differed greatly from that of his father and predecessor.
Of kindly nature, weak health, and melancholic
disposition, averse from cruelty and bloodshed, disliking to
refuse requests or incur unpopularity, and lacking initiative
and self-reliance, he suffered rather than caused the government of
Persia to grow steadily worse, while refusing, or at
least omitting, to follow those methods of repression whereby
his father had to a considerable extent held in check overt
manifestations of the discontent which "as uniYersally prevalent. We
have already seen (pp. 554 s'~pra) how, after the fiasco
of the Imperial Tobacco Corporation, the An26zz~'s-Sulfa'~, renouncing
the sympathy for England which he had formerly
professed, declared hi~nself henceforth the friend of Russia.
For the moment, however, he ~`ras not in a position to give
effect to his new aims,'since in November, ~89G, he [elf fro~n
favour and had to retire to Qum, being replaced by his rival,
the more liberal and patriotic Amz,1zn~d-D,2~la, who was recalled from
Tabriz by the new Shah in February, t85~7, and
made Minister of the [nterior and President of the Council of
Ministers. In June he was made Prime Minister, and in August
he was confirmed in this post and received the title of Sadr-i
Muza~aru'd-Din Shah Qajar
Bor ~larcb s, .853:
crownerl June 8, '896: died Janua~y 4' '907
+P99
A'zam, or Grand Wazir. The hopes of reform aroused by this
appointment were further strengthened when the able and
upright NaszY~'l-M?~ (a graduate of Balliol College, Oxford,
and, so far as I know, the only Persian statesman educated at
an English University) was appointed Minister of Finance, and
began to apply himself seriously to schemes of hscal reForm.
Unhappily Muzaffaru'd-Dfn Shah, whose health gave rise to
serious anxiety, was advised by his physicians to visit Europe
and try the eKects of a course of mineral waters. Money was
needed for the Royal journey, and attempts were made to ~doat
a loan of O00JOOO in London. This proved impracticable,
and the ~ z~2~'d-Dawla was obliged to retire from the Premiership.
Muhsin Khan' the Alus12frn'd-Dawla, formerly Ambassador
at Constantinople, was appointed President of the Council of
Ministers, but he also failed to negotiate the loan, and the Shah ~vas
consequently compelled to abandon his projected trip to
Europe.
To obtain ready money was now the chief preoccupation of
the Shah, and in July, t898, the Aminn's-S~.t~? was recalled
from his exile at Qum, and reinstated as Sudr-z-A'.zam on
August lo. In the following month three Belgian customhouse
officials were invited to draw up a scheme for raising
money on the Persian customs, and in March, '8gg, the
custom-houses of AzarbayJan and Kirmanshah were handed
over to them as a CO~S u?ie on which to experiment.
We now reach the year tgoo, memorable in the history of
Persia's misfortunes on account of the negotiation of the first
Russian loan of ~ millions of roubles (~2,400,000). This sum,
lent at the rate of 5 0/O, and guaranteed by all the customs'
receipts with the exception of those of Fars and the Persian
&ulf, was repayable in 75 years, and it was further stipulated
that the loan of -500,000 at 6 0lo made to the Persian Government in
~8g~ by the Imperial Bank of Persia, in order to pay
off the indemnity exacted by the Imperial Tobacco Corporation,
should be paid off immediately, so that Russia should become
Persia's sole creditor, and England should no longer have
any claim on the Persian revenues. This loan, concluded on
January 20, 1900, was the first great blow to British material
+P100
prestige, as the unfortunate Tobacco Concession was to her
moral prestige. From this period, and from the handing over
of all the customs-houses of Persia to Belgian control (the
Belgians being in this matter the jackals of Russia), England's
declining influence and Persiats increasing misery and disorder
may be said to date. Shortly after the conclusion of this loan
Sir Mortimer Durand, who had succeeded Sir Frank Lascelles
as British Minister in ~8g4, left Persia, and was succeeded in
turn by Sir Arthur Hardinge, who reached Tihran in August,~ goo.
Although only a portion of the first Russian loan actually
passed into the Persian T:reasury, the Shah was able, in the
summer of ~goo, to set out on his European tour. He visited
Contrexeville, St Petersburg, Paris (where his life was attempted by an
anarchist on August z) and Constantinople (Sept. 3
Oct. 8), but his projected visits to England, Italy and Germany
were abandoned, these courts being in mourning on account of
the death of the Duke of Saxe Coburg Gotha at the time when
the proposed visits were to have been paid. The A Jninu~s-
Sultan accompanied the Shah, and, displaying considerable
self-possession on the occasion of the abortive attempt on his
masterts life in Paris, rose still higher in favour and received the
high-sounding title of A`~bak-i-A'zam.
In the latter part of ~goo, after the Shah's return to Persia,
some rumours of projected reforms reached the Press of this
country. Thus the Times of :December ~4, igoo, contained a
brief account of the Shah's farewell address to twenty young
Persians whom he was sending to Europe to study in London,
Paris, Berlin, Vienna, Moscow and Constantinople, while the
issue of the same journal for December ~5 contained, after the
text of an address of thanks presented to him at Ostend by
Armenians domiciled in London, a statement that since His
Majesty's return to Persia many additional privileges in the
way of schools and commercial societies had been granted.
These roseate visions, unfortunately, no longer hover round
the Persian news published from time to time in the English
Press during the year ~go~. To take the Times again, which
is the most accessible by reason of the Index with which it is
provided, we find the following items of news.
+P101
April 13, 1901. Since March 21 the pioneer steamer of the
Russian line recently opened between the Black Sea and
Southern Persia had been Iying at Bushire, having previously
visited Muscat, Bandar-i-'Abbas, Linga, and other ports of the
Persian Gulf. Her agents had distributed circulars offering to
carry freight free, and to guarantee consigners against loss up
to 20% of the value of their goods. The same issue announced
the devastation of Southern Persia by locusts, and the discovery of a
conspiracy to murder the Shaykh of Muhammara by two
of his nephews.
April z7, ~go~. The Kol~ische Zei~o,~g was reported as
publishing a telegram from St Petersburg, dated April ~4,
according to which the Shah's condition had become more
serious, while the rivalry between the Prime Minister, the
A "`fnu's-Su~n, on the one hand, and the Shah's favourite
physician, the Hakim'l-Alu~, on the other, continued. (The
latter had the reputation of being an Anglophil, as the former
was undoubtedly at this period a Russophil.) A heavy tax had
also been imposed on the most necessary articles of food, such
as meat, and this had caused great exasperation in Tihran,
popular feeling being especially directed against the Belgian
and other foreign tax-collectors.
May 25, 1901. The Sistin-Quetta trade-route was declared
open, an-d Captain Webbe Ware was appointed political assistant
at Chagai.
August 1, 1901. In place of previously existhlg inland
customs dues, since April 3 a uniform ad ua/torem duty of
5% for import and export, and a road-tax of zz sh~fs per
mule-load, irrespective of the nature of the goods, had been
imposed.
Sept. 3, 1901. The Kolnische Zeitung of August 31 reported
a wide-spread revolutionary movement, fostered by growing
discontent with the Government, especially on account of the
negotiations for a new loan which it had opened with Russia.
A minor state of siege had been proclaimed in Tihran. The
agitation was said to proceed from persons in the immediate
e~ltonrage of the Shah, who was continually finding threatening
letters on his writing-table, and was especially directed against
+P102
the Aminu's-Sultan, the Grand Wazir, who was accused of
selling his country and failing to introduce any reforms. This
rumour was officially denied by the Persian Government on
Sept. ~4, but on Oct. 7 the [z~re't Gazette was reported as
admitting that revolutionary pamphlets and placards had been
distributed' though it minimised their importance, and declared
that four persons accused of their authorship had been arrested
and exiled.
Oct. g, ~goi. The 7i,~es contained a long article on Great
Britain in the Persian Gulf, declaring that England had assumed
the responsibility of policing these seas, and could not
allow Turkey to assert sovereign rights over Koweyt and
Bahrayn. In another part of the paper it was reported that
Russia was preparing tc, connect the Trans-Caspian Railway
with Khurasan, uid Askabad ('Ishq-abad) and Mashhad; that
a branch of the Russiar1 Bank was to be opened almost immediately at the
latter city; and that great uneasiness was
prevalent there amongst the official classes.
Oct. ~o, ~got. The Vienna correspondent of the 7~imes reported the
substance of an article from the BirzJ=viya l~iedomosti
of St Petersburg, which is supposed to be tl~e mouth-piece of
M. de Witte, on the Persian Gulf q,uestion. It was aggressive
in tone, and, after discussing the Anglo-Turkish conflict about
Koweyt, declared boldly "that the final decision rests neither
with England, nor Germany, nor Turkey (which reckons on
Germany's support) but with ltussia, whose merchant-navy is
now in regular communication with the ports of the Persian
Gulf.""It was not," continued the Russian organ, "in order
to secure for the British Fleet this important strategic point on the
Persian Gulf that Russia has lately devoted immense capital
to the economic reviva1 c~f Persia, and that Russian diplomacy
has done so much to emancipate Western Persia from British
servitude. Inasmuch as Russia's diplomacy has roused her
neighbour Persia to a new existence and strengthened the
moral and economic link between that country and Russia,
it has put an end once and for aN fo tare idle te~ ebout dividing Persie
info e ~zortJ'erl' s~bilere of infinence ~oelo'~gi'~ fo Russia and a
southern sphere belonging to England. here can be no
+P103
dif~ision of s,AheYes of in~ence i?t Persia, w~zch, togetI'er ~vi~ ~e
2E'aters which foathe its sJores, mz~st remain ~e obyact of
~zfssiaJz material andf moralprotection."Then follows an extract from
the Novosiz; declaring that the establishment of the English on the
Persian Gulf is prejudicial to Russia; that the interests of. the two
countries are completely at variance and can hardly
be reconciled; and that Russia should on no account omit to
take timely precautions against the designs of the English.
OcI. 28, ~go~. According to a telegram from St Petersburg
to the Fra~fif~rfer Zeifu'~g, two brothers of the Shah who were
amongst the most violent opponents of the Prime Minister (the
~4inf"u's-S?`llen), and were leaders of the movement against the
Government, had been arrested and banished to Ardabll; The
Shah's brother-in-law, who had been condemned to death, was
pardoned at the last moment when he was actually on the
scaffold. A favourite of the Shah (whose title appears in the
hopelessly corrupt form of "Hawame-ed-Dauleh," perhaps intended
for Qizoam?`'d-Dawla, the Russian g standing in foreign
words both for g and h) was also taken from the scaffold back
to prison, where he is said to have been subsequently tortured
to death. Amongst the persons arrested there were, it was
stated, many dignitaries, ecclesiastics ('ulama) and young men
of education. A further communication from Bombay declared
that the authors of the plot apparently relied on popular support, in
consequence of the wide-spread resentment felt at the Shahts
proposal to raise a fresh loan for a pilgrimage to Mashhad and
another trip to Europe.
l~ov. g, 1901. A communication from Bombay asserted that
the second trip of the Russian steamer Kornilo.ff to the Persian Gulf
had proved a failure' end that her cargo of kerosine and
sugar had been sold at a heavy loss. Notwithstanding this,
however, M. Radloff, the Director of the Russian Steam Navigation
Company, had assured M. Witte, about the end of October,
that his Company was willing to maintain its recently h~stalled
direct service between Odessa and the Persian Gulf.
During the remainder of this year the Persian Gulf question
~vas much in evidence in the English Press, and the opinions
(mostly adverse to any understanding with Russia which should
+P104
admit her influence into Southern Persia) of such authorities as
Captains Mahon and Bell, Major Sykes, Colonel [now Sir Francis]
Younghusband and Mr H. F. B. Lynch were freely cited. The
-A~alio?`al Reviezv for this year contained articles on Son~e
CO?lseyl~e?zees of a~c A?'glo-Rzcssian U?`defsfa7'di)'g, and on British
Foreig?? Policy which dealt largely with this question. The
Koweyt question, with the consequent friction between England
and Turkey, and the more immediate collisions between Mubarak,
the Shaykh of Koweyt, and Ibn Rashid, the great and noble
Am(r of Na~d, also continued more or less acute, and some of
the Russian newspayers advocated (Dec. 25, 1901) the seizure
by Russia of Bandar-i-'Abbas, as a counterstroke to England's
pretensions at Koweyt.
We now reach the year 1902, chiefly noteworthy in the
annals of l~ersia for the conclusion of the second of those
disastrous Russian loans which now hang like a millstone round
her neck. Rumours of this loan, which was for ~o,ooo,ooo roubles at 4
0/O, and was accompanied by a concession granted to
Russia to construct a new road from Julfa on the Araxes (the
Perso-Russian frontier! to Tihran, vid Tabriz and Qazw~n,
reached London on March ~, ~go~, though the loan was not,
apparently, actually concluded until April. The proceedings of
the Russian steamer Kor?cilo' in the Persian Gulf continued to
attract attention. In spite of her alleged failure to sell her
goods in the Gulf ports in the preceding November, she started
'`not at all discouraged"on a fresh trip from Odessa, on Feb. i, ~goz;
and in July the British Consul at Basra reported that she
was subsidized by the Russian Government to the extent of
5000 per round voyage. on condition of her making three
voyages a year.
Having got his money, howe~er, the Shah set off again
this summer for another tour in Europe, and on this occasion
succeeded in reaching England on August '7. He and his suite
were lodged in Marlborough House, and on Monday, August ~8,
a state banquet, over which the Prince of Wales presided, was
given at Buckingham Palace. He stayed only a week (August
'7-24), and the 7~i?~`es naturally indulged in an appropriate
leader alike on the eve of his arrival and of his departure. In
+P105
the latter (August 23) it enunciated the admirable sentiment
that "the interests of England were best served by a strong,
contented and independent Persia."Meanwhile the Russian
Navae Vrem"a was warning Persia against England's greed
and lust of conquest, but at the saMe time talking of division
into spheres of influence. A few days later, on Sept. ~7, three
days after the Shah had left Paris for Warsaw, the same newspaper wrote
that Persia should preserve her independence, and
firmly maintain her freedom from every sort of foreign intervention.
"One of the roads by which it is possible to reach the
open ocean," it continued, "lies through Persia, but this does
not imply that we wish to absorb the Shah's dominions."It
concluded by expressing a doubt as to whether England's
intentions were equally disinterested.
As throwing light on the cost to the Persian taxpayer of the
Shah's Journeys in Europe, a note of his expenditure from
Paris~dated Sept. ~7, ~go2,is of interest. According to this note his
hotel-bill, apart from purchases and other outside expenses, amounted
to 6000 francs (240) a day. The same communication
described his suite as divided into a Franco-Russian
party, headed by Nazar qa, the Persian minister at Paris, and
an Anglophil party, headed by Mfrza Muhammad Khan'.
At the end of this year (Dec. 30, ~go2) a telegram from
St Petersburg was published in the Times, according to which
the Persian Government undertook to make various financial
reforms under the direction of Belgian officials, thirty of whom had
already arrived in Persia. The Crown Prince ( Wall-'elcd),
who was stated to be strongly inf1uenced by his Russian tutor,
was reported to intend the establishment of a Russian school in
Azarbayjan.
The first important news of the following year (Tio~es,
Jan. 7, '903) consisted of a telegram from St Petersburg stating that
the Shah, fearing a revolution under the leadership of
the 'Ayntc'd-Dawla, who was alleged to be under British influence, had
removed him from his post of Governor of Tibran,
and appointed him Governor of 'Arabistan, a province lying
~vithin the British sphere of influence. Other officials in Tihran
1. Mirza Mahmud Khan Hakimu'l-Mulk seems to be meant.
+P106
suspected of Anglophil sentiments had been similarly transferred to the
provinces. Tl~is report was, ho`Yever, categorically
denied by the I'crsian Legation in London on Jan. ~9, ~go3.
Meanwhile England, as she recovered gradually from the
e~ects of the South African War, began to exert herself more
strenuously to recover h~r lost position in Persia. It was
generally understood that t~e Shah, when.he visited England in
August of the precedh~g year, was animated by the hope of
receiving the Order of the Garter, which had been conferred on
his father Na.siru'd-Din, amd which he also was very eager to
possess. And although, for some reason or other, it was not
given to him then, it was decided a few months later to gratify
his desire, and a special n~ission, under Viscount Downe, was
despo~tched to Persia or t~is purpose and reached Tihran cn
Feb. ~, ~903. But just as in ~887-8 the honour conferred on
Prince Z'1~2c's-Sultan by tHe En~lish Government was at once
met by the Russian counter-stroke which caused his dismissal
from all his governments s~ve the city of Isfahan, so in this case also
the English move almost synchronized with the publication
of a Russo-Persian Comme rcial Agreement, which heavily penalized
British imports, espe cially Indian tea, and of which the
effects were only partially mitigated by an Anglo-Persian Commercial
Convention signed on Feb. 9, ratified on May 27, and
finally published in July, Tgo3.
Meanwhile discontent with the new tariffs continued and
increased, culminating in serious riots at Tihran and Yazd.
These were at their heig~t in the latter town in June, and
were there combined with, or led to, a furious persecution of the Babis,
of which the Rev. Napier Malcolm gives some particulars
at pp. 87-89 and ~ 86 of his book entitled Five Years ~n a
Persian Town (London, ~905). In April the Novae Vremya and
other papers reproduced am article from the J~aukas stating that the new
tariff had caused cansiderable dissatisfaction in Persia, especi.ally
amongst the '~I~n~d or eccTesiastics, and that the chief ~n'`~'a/~,d of
Tabriz', who had preached against it and incited
the people to resist it, haa been arrested and banished. Early
Yazd.
1. So far as I can ascertain, the nan~e of this ,~1`ahia, was
Aqa Siyyid 'Ali of Yazd.
+P107
in May Lord Lansdowne, in one of his speeches, enunciated
what the [infes described (May 7, ~903) as the "Munroe
Doctrine in the Persian Gulf"; that is to say, he declared that
England could not possibly permit any other Power to have
stations or railways on the Persian Gulf, and that the attempt
to establish such by any Power would be regarded by England
as a c~:sus [e~fi, and would be resisted by force of arms.
In August and September, 1903, there were fresh manifestations
of discontent, and, incidentally, a fresh persecution of the
Babis at Yazd and Isfahan. The Mujtalid Haj~i Mirza Hasan
of Tabriz announced that he had received letters from the great
Sh['ite doctors of the 'A tabet (i.e. Karbala and Najaf) authorizing
and enjoining a movement against the new customs dues and
trade regulations, and, on the strength of these, he urged the
Governor of Tabrtz to remove the Be.lgian custom-house officials,
abolish the new tariff, and close the schools recently established on
European lines, and the Armenian and European shops. It
subsequently appeared that these letters were not genuine, and
Hajji M'rza Hasan and his followers were expelled, while
M. Priem, the Belgian Chief of Customs, who had fled from the
city, was brought back, and the new tariff remained h1 force'.
The persecution of the BabIs was instigated by Aqa-yi-Najafi,
and was at its height on July ~7 and 28, when all Babis who
fell into the hands of the mob were killed'. Shortly after this
there were bread-riots in Shiraz, and '~4la~u'd-Dawla was sent to
replace the governor against whom they were directed. It was
further stated , t 7~'nes, Aug. 3) that the question of recognizing the
Sultan of Turkey as Caliph, or Commander of the Faithful,
had been raised by some inf1uential tnufles, who, inspired, probably,
by the Pan-lsiamic teachings of Siyyid Jamalu'd-Din,
hoped to effect a reconciliation of Sunn~ and Sh['a Muhammadans. A
letter from Berlin, dated Aug. 20, and published in
the Ti?,zes of Aug. ~, ~903, described the outlook in Persia as
gloomy, the disturbances as continuir1g, and the Government
as helpless for lack of troops and money; and concluded by
1. Times of July 13, 1903.
2. Ibid., July 30, 1903. The issue of Aug. 3 stated further
that 3,200 Babis were expelled from Isfahan to save their lives
from the mob, while 120 were killed at Yazd, of whom two were
blown from the mouths of cannon.
+P108
declaring that "events were imminent in Persia which might
have serious c.u1scquenccs for that country, these being chiefly duc to
unbearable economic conditions."There were also current'
rumours of a plot on the part of the Anglophil and Russophobe
party (headed, apparently, by the Hak~'l-M'c~k and
others of the Tabr~zis), to depose the Shah and crown his second son,
Malik blansur Mirza 3Ic~`'a'n's-Saltana, in his stead; but
this plot (if, indeed, it e~er existed) was detected, and the Prince
arrested as he was attempting to escape to Russia. This plot
was ascribed by the German newspapers to English intrigues,
but all these re'ports of Aug. ~ and the five or six succeeding
days were officially denied by the Persian Legation. A Russian
correspondent's letter from Tihran, published in the Vies~`ik in
Astrakhan at the end of August, declared that the "present
tranq,uillity was but the lull before the storm," and that the
~`jtahids of Karbald and Najaf had addressed to the Sh~h
a letter in which they reproached him for handing oYer his
country to foreigners, reminding him that his succession was
only tolerated. The Shah's reply was unconciliatory, and the
chief ~i~ly~ah~d thereupon declared that he felt himself compelled to
invite the Sultan of Turkey to take the country under
his protection2.
On Sept. ~5, 1903, disaffection was said to be spreading in
an alarming manner, and the Am"`~`'s-Sultcz~ resigned his post
of Prime Minister. E?ive Ministers were at first appointed to
carry on the Government, but about a fortnight later the
'Ay'`~"d-Da~via, a grandson of Fath-'AI' Shah, was appointed
Minister of the Interior. About a fortnight before the resignation of
the ~i~zf1zu's-Su~n (i.e. about the beginning of
September) the Shah's favourite physician, the Haki,~u'l-M?zlk,
who, as has been already mentioned, was reputed an Anglophil,
died at Rasht, together with one of his confidential servants,
under highly suspicious circumstances, and it was generally
believed that his rival had caused him to bc poisoned.
During the remainder of this year the references to Persia in
the Press deal chiefly with the rivalry of England and Russia in their
trade with Persia. In Octol~er a new steamer was subsidized See 7~:mes
of Aug. :7, 1903. ~ Jb~dl., Sept. 5, 1903.
+P109
by the Russian Government to run regularly from
Odessa to the Persian Gulf, while two new vessels were said to
be in process of construction for the same servicel. Russia
also proposed to station a warship permanently in the Persian
Gulf'. On the other hand Lord Curzon made a tour of the
Persian Gulf, interviewed local magnates and loudly proclaimed
the paramount rights and interests of Great Britain in that
region; the S~st~n Boundary Commission began its labours
under Colonel McMahon; and Mr George Churchill, at that
time acting Vice-Consul at Rasht, made a hopeful report, in the
course of which he declared that on the whole English goods
held their own well, and that the Russian trade was chiefly
confined to articles of inferior quality and price3. Finally, on
Christmas Day, ~903, it was announced that the Persian Government had
appointed six more Belgian officials to various posts
in the Excise, and that M. NTaus had been made Director
of Customs.
We now enter the year '904, of which the chief events connected
with Persia are as follows. On Jan. z4 the subsequently
notorious 'Ayn~'a,-Dawla, whose nomination as Minister of the
Interior in Sept. 1903 has been already mentioned, was appointed Sadr-
i-~"am or Prime Minister, and continued in this
office for three years, until August, l~d. About the same
time it was reported from St Petersburg that a number of
leaflets, written in Persian, were being circulated in Tihran,
warning the Persians against England and her alleged design of
"reducing Persia to the state of India6."~ propos of this report, the
~Jovae Vren~ya warned Russia not to relax her e~orts in
Persia on account of the complications with Japan', which
resulted a few days later in the night attack on Port Arthur
and the outbreak of the Russo-Japanese War. Two days
previous to the former event, it was announced that a Russian
commercial mission was about to start for Persia3. In the
first quarter of this year the Turkmans adopted an aggressive
action against the Persians7, and the Shah issued an edict
imes, oct. ~, 903.
/bid., J:~n. z5, 1 o4.
7 Jbi~t., Jtn. ~n 1904.
2 1bid., Nov. ~, 1903-
5 /bid, Jan. zg, 1904.
3 lbi., Dec. 2r, 1003.
3 lbid., Feb. Io, 1gO4.
+P110
commmanding the Wali-'ahd (Crown Prince) and the Amir Nizam
to return to Tihran by Feb. 9.
In July, 1904, was inaugurated a paper entitled the Revz~e
Tra'zscaspienrfe, published in Persian at Askabad ('Ishq-abad)
and distributed in Khurasan, of which paper the chief object
was to put forward the Russian version of the news from the
Far East, and to counteract the alleged false reports of Russian
disasters spread by the Englishl. On July '5 it was reported,
on the authority of the D,ziequ~ik of Warsaw, that l'ersia was
in so disturbed a condition that no more goods would be
despatched thither, and that Persian merchants had stopped
exporting their goods. A few days later appeared the English
Blue Book, Cd. z~46, which gave an account of [English trade
with l'ersia for the precedillg five years (~8gg-,go~). Threc
months later (Sept. ~z, ~go4) the E~to~fe Beige published a
communication from M. Hennibicq, for four years iegai adviser to
the Persian Government, expatiating on the expansion and
consolidation of 13elgian influence in Persia. So far, indeed,
had this gone that M. Naus `vas raised to the important position of
Minister of Posts and Director of Customs.
On July 25 Sir Arthur Hardinge, the British Minister at
Tibran, issued a warning to Persian co~icessio'`rzaires not to
transfer their concessions to, or enter into partnership with,
Europeans without permission from the Persian C;overnment2.
On Oct. '8 a British comn~ercial mission to Southern Persia
left Bombay for a six months' tour, to include the towns and
districts of Saiid-abad, Rafsinjan, Kirman, 13am, Narmashir' etc.3 This
mission, to which Mr P. Ryan acted as secretary,completed
its work and returned to the coast about the end of April t905'. At the
end of ~go4 the Go~vernment of India decided to issue
a gazetteer of the Persian GuLf, and despatched Messrs Lorimer
and Gabriel thither for that purpose. About the same time,
but a little earlier, a special mission, headed by Mirza Riz~ Khan
A'y~a2`'d-Dawla (until lately Persian Ambassador at Constantinople) was
sent to St Petersburg, and was received by the Tsar
on Dec. 85. A few days previously, on Dec. 4, the British mails
7in`eJ, July l ~, ty04. 2 ~id., Sept. '6, 1~04.
Ibid., hlarch 7, ~9~5, May r, 19C5, May ~5, ~905.
ibi~t., Oct. ~8, 1904.
fluid.. Dec. o. Ioo~.
+P111
were seized at Bushire, and detained for a week, by Belgian
of ficialsl.
On the Nawruz, or Persian New Year's day (March 21, 1905),
the Shah issued a proclamation decreeing the re-organization of
the army,and also announced his intention of making a pilgrimage to
Mashhad. April 23, 1905, was fixed as the date of his
departure; his son, the Wal'-~/tcI, or Crown Prince (Muhammad
'All, the ex-Shah), was empo~vered to act as Regent dur~ng his
absence2, and M. Kochanovski, the Russian Commissioner for
frontier relations with Persia, was to meet him at isthra on his entry
into Russian territory, and accompany him on his journey
through Russia9. The Shah's journey created a bad impression
h1 his capital many merchants retired to Sh~h'Abdu'l-'Azlm,
and the [f~z~rs were closed for five days'.
In the early spring of this year (~9o5) a new Belgian Director
of Customs, M. Heynssen, arrived at Bushire, and began to
enforce the tariff with greater severity; in consequence of which the
Persian merchants refused to clear their goods, and telegraphed to the
Shah declining to forward them up country until
the new regulations should be withdrawn 6. They also telegraphed to
India to stop the shipment of further goods from thence.
There were also disturbances at Kirman in August, and a
threatened plague of locusts'. Some annoyance seems to have
been caused in Russia by the publication there of exaggerated
and garbled accounts both of the British mission to Slstan under Colonel
McMahon (Feb. 1903-May 1905), and of Sir Arthur
Hardinge's tour to MasEhad7. In November of this year the
Turkmans began to cross the border and harry the neighbouring
Persian territory, especially Quchan, where they killed some
dozen peasants, wounded four or five more, and carried off some
threescore persons as captives.
Thus far we trace a growing discontent at the Shah's everincreasing
extravagance and love of foreign travel, at the ne~v
Belgian tariffs and the arrogance of the Belgian officials, at the
1. Times, Jan. 2, 1905 and Feb. 1, 1905.
2. Ibid., April 10, 1905.
3. lbid., April 28, 1905.
4. Ibid., May 6, 1505.
5. Ibid., May 22, 1905.
6. Ibid., August 15, 1905.
7. Ibid., Sept. 29, 1905
+P112
exploitation of the country by foreign concessionl~aires, and at the
tyranny of 'Ay,'u'd-Dawla, who, widely as he differed in
character from the Am~n's-S'`l.~dn, was equally unpopular.
The latter, suave, genial, resourceful and unscrupulous, was on
the best of terms with the new Belgian officials, received M. Naus
weekly, and was currently reported to have profited to the
extent of 30,000 'u~a?rs a year by the new arrangements
concerning the custom-houses. 'Ay~u"l-Daw~, on the other
hand, was an old-fashioned Persian nobleman, arrogant, ignorant, hating
foreigners and at first but little susceptible to their
advances, though later he seems to have come to some understanding with
the 3elgians and Russians, and suffered M. Naus
to combine in himself some five or six different functions of
importance, so tllat he finally became not merely Director-General of
the Customs, but Minister of Posts and Telegraphs,
High Treasurer, Head of the Passport Department, and Member
of the Supreme Council of State.
Tm th~~P ~-n~r~1 r~Uses of discontent certain special grievances were
now added. The indignation aroused by the arbitrary and
tyrannical conduct of M. Naus was increased-especially in
religious circles-by the appearance of a photograph of him
dressed as a mulla. In Fars the rule of Prince Shn'a'u-s-Seltana (who,
having been driven out by an explosion of popular discontent, had been
reappointed to this important government in
September, ~904) weighed heavily on the people. At Mashhad
Asaf~c'd-Daz~la's rule was equally oppressive, and he had further
outraged public opinion by ordering his soldiers to fire on a
crowd of people who, protesting against his exactions, had taken refuge
in the holy precincts of the Shrine of Imam Riza. At
Kirman .Zafar'~'s-S`zl~as~a had inflicted the bastinado on one
of the principal ~`ylahia's of that town, Hajji M;rza Muhammad
Rizd. At Qazwln the Wa~fr-i-Akr`:c~n had treated another
in like manuer; and finally some seven or eight respected
merchants of Tihran had been bastinadoed by the Governor,
'Afatu'd-Dawla, on the charge of putting up the price of sugar.
As a result of all these grievances, especially the last, a large number
of merchants took sanctuary in the Masjid-i-Shah, or
Royal Mosque, where they were shortly joined by many of the
+P113
chief ~nullas, including the afterwards celebrated popular leaders
Siyyid'Abdu'llah Bahbahantand Siyyid Muhammad Tabitabl'`,
and the orator Aqa Siyyid Jamalu'd-Dm'who was one of the chief
promoters of the Revolution, and who was amongst those who
perished after the co'/ d'/iet of June, ~908. The lI?!am-J~?H'a, Mirza
Abu'l-Qasim, a wealthy reactionary related by marriage
to the Shah, had been requested by '~4y't~c'd-Dawla to take
steps to disperse the refugees, and had accordingly collected
a number of his followers armed with sticks and other
weapons which they had concealed under their coats and
cloaks, ready at a sign to take action, and when Aqa Siyyid
Jamal ascended the pulpit and began to speak with vehemence
against the intolerable tyranny to which they were subjccted,
the I?nff?~-J'c,nta rose up, clenounced his uttcranccs aq
treasonable, and called on his men to expel the refuF'rccs hy
force, which they proceeded to do. That night a few of them,
including the ~n'`llds, retired from the city to the holy shrine of Shah
'Abdu'l-'Az~m, and there took refuge. Here after a while
they were joined by many others, mullas and students, amongst
the former by the afterwards celebrated Shaykh Fazlu'llah, who
was at that time regarded by the people as one of the "three
Proofs "or 'Founders"of the Constitutional Movement, the
other two being Siyyid 'Abdu'llah and Siyyid Muhammad
Tabatabatl, to whom in point of learning he was greatly
superior. His subsequent defection from the Party of Reform
and support of Muhammad 'All's reactionary designs has
been ascribed with probability to jealousy at their superior
influence.
At this time, however, there was no talk of a Constitution or
a National Assembly, but only of the dismissal of the obnoxious
'Ayn'~'d-Da-~la, and so it happened oddly enough that the
refugees received substantial support from several prominent
persons who, though perfectly indifferent to reforn~, and violently
opposed to any form of constitutional government, were anxious
to get rid of the 'Ayn'~'d-Dawla. Most conspicuous amongst
these were Muhammad 'Ah M'rza (then Cro~vn Prince, afterwards
Shah), and the ~47rrr7rn's-Sr,ltan, who, with a third person
unknown to me by name, contributed some 30,000 tumans
+P114
(6000) to the maintenance of the bes`Is, in spite of the efforts
of'Aynn'd-Dawla to prevent them from being reinforced by
sympathisers or aided with money or supplies. To this end he
picketed the shops and streets and stopped the road from the
city to the sanctuary with his troops, but in spite of these
precautions the number of the bastis continued steadily to increase,
and they were joined by numerous recruits, amongst whom were
included not only 77~`fi~ and theological students, but merchants and
tradesfolk. In vain did the Shah endeavour by threats
and promises to induce them to return to the city, and when the
Amir Bahadur ]ang, accompanied by 300 horsemen, went to
Sh~h 'Abdu'l-'Az~m and endeavoured to bring them back to
Tibr;Sn, he had to return, after a lively e:~change of recriminations,
without accomplishing his object. At length the scandal
becaMe so grave and the inconvenience so intolerable that the
Sh~h sent them a dast-khat', or autograph letter, promising to
dismiss 'Ayn'~'d-Dew`!a; to convene the ~Ada~-k~a, or
"House of Justice," which they now demanded, and which was
to consist of representatives elected by the clergy, merchants
knd landed proprietors, and presided over by the Shah himself;
to abolish favouritism; and to make all Persian subjects equal
in the eyes of the Law. This das`-khatt was photographed,
and copies of it were circulated throughout the country, and the
refugees then returned to the city with great pomp and circumstance and
were received by the Shah, who verbally renewed
the promises which he had already made in writing. News of
this, telegraphed from St lfetersburg on January ~z, 1906, was
published in the Ti~nes of the following day, and the message
concluded with the expression of a fear that the representatives of the
people would demand the dismissal of the Belgian customhouse officials
and of the chief of them, M. Naus, also Minister
of Customs and Posts. To this report the Persian Legation in
London published a a,Zn~e~t' on Feb. ~, declaring that the nature of the
proposed '` House of Justice "had been entirely misunderstood, and that
it was intended to be a purely judicial courtl not
a Legislative Assembly.
Before pursuing the further developments which ultimately
led to the granting of the Constitution and the establishment of
[The photographs of Mujtahid Siyyid Muhammad-i-Tabataba'i and
Mujtahid Siyyid 'Abdu'llah-i-Bahbahani are bound between pages
114 and 115 with the following text run under the picture.]
The Mujtahid Siyyid Muhammad-i-Tabataba'i
The Mujtahid Siyyid 'Abdu'llah-i-Bahbahani
+P115
the National Assembly or ~lia.j~is, allusion must be made to
some minor events of the Fcbruary and March of this year. The
report of the British commercial missioEI of ipc4-5, edited by
Colonel Gleadowe-Newcomen, appeared in February'. At the
beginning of March the Turkish Government promised to withdraw
its troops from the Persian frontier, which they were
already threatening2. On March 3 the Shah's brother, the
Nd"6u's-Salfana, was reappointed Minister of War, a post
which he had formerly held for twelve years (~884~6), but of
which for the last ten years he had been deprived3. There were
also about this time currency troubles, of which the following
account is given in a communication from St Petersburg dated
March 20, ~906. The high price of silver had induced speculators to buy
up Persian silver coins, export them in large quantities
to India, and recoin them as rupees. In consequence of the
shortage in silver thus produced, the Mint at Tihran suspended
operations, while, on the other hand, the country was flooded,
according to this Russian correspondent, with the notes of which the
(English) Imperial Bank of Persia had a monopoly. The
Persian merchants, it was added, were already refusing to accept these
notes, and it was feared that the result might be a run on the Bank and
a demand for coin in exchange tor paper money'.
Early in April there was a bread-riot at Mashhad in which three
persons lost their lives.
Towards the end of April the mulles of Tihran presented to
the Shah a petition (also published, apparently, in the oR;cial
Journal or Gazette) regarding the disturbances of Decemoer,
?0S, praying EIis Majesty to give effect to his promised reforms, and
to exercise the executive power in accordance with the
laws5. This petition produced no effect, and, indeed, so far
from improving, matters got steadily worse. Spies were everywhere; the
streets were full of Cossacks and soldiers; and no
one was ailo~ved to go about the streets later than three hours
after sunset. Siyyid'Abdu'llah and Siyyid Muhammad continued
to address fruitless remonstrances to 'Ay~u'd-Da-~d, and,
1 7-imes, Feb. 27, 1~6.
3 Jbia., Sla.rcb 5, 1906.
5 Jbia'., April 28, 1906.
Wbid., NIarch 2, E906.
4 Itid., Marcb 22, 1906.
+P116
together with Aqa Siyyid Jamal, Shaykh Muhammad the
Preacher ( W&'i~), and others, began to denounce autocracy and
tyranny in the pulpit, especially during the month of Muharram
(Feb. z5-March z6, ~906~. Siyyid Jamal was particu]arTy
active, and had an enormous influence .vith the "kulaf'-nam~zd'~s," or
felt-capped artisans and humble folk of the bazars, to whom
he spol;e in graphic and forcible language which they could
understand, and who lovecl him accordingly. Thus he would
relate to them, as an illustration of the sort of selfishness and
inhumanity which Persian absolutism involved, how one night,
when the Sh;ih was on a hunting-expedition, a snow-storm
came on, accompanied by a violent wind which threatened to
blow down the royal tent, and how, to prevent this, certain
soldiers were sent out into the storm to hol~l the tent-ropes, and were
found in the morning frozen to death-"a sacriRce," as he
said, "to the person of His Most Sacred Majesty."
Other influences were also at worl`, notably a secret society
known as the An'~man-i-Makkf`, and a National Library, or
Kit~-~ana-i-M'ill. The latter was essentially a free library
designed to educate the people in patriotic ideas, and was
founded amongst others by H4j~i Siyyid Nasru'llah Akhawl, an
upright man and true patriot, who is now Vice-President of
the Maylis. This library was situated opposite to the Arg or
citadel, and, to quote the picturesque expression employed
by Taqi-zada (to whom I am indebted for this information)
"everyone whose head ached went there.' Amongst its other
supporters were Mirza Aqa of Isfahan, afterwards one of the
Deputies for Tabriz; Hajji Mirza Hasan Rushdiyya, and Majdu'l-
Islam of Kirmin, afterwards editor of the lVia,~-yi- Watan, or
"Country's Call."These three, who were all exiled by'Aynn'd-
Dawla to Kalat-i-Nadirl, were of more doubtful integrity. The
first by his double-dealing incurred alike the suspicion of his
comrades, who expelled him from the library, and of 'Ay,`u'd-
Dazvia, with whom he had at first ingratiated himself by articles which
he contributed to the Calcutta Habln'l-Matin. Later,
when brought back from Kalat-i-Nadiri, he was elected one of
the Members for Tabriz, but was subsequently held up to obloquy
in the columns of an illustrated Tabriz paper entitled "Reptiles
Cartoons from
[Photographs of two cartoon panels are bound between pages
116 and 117 with the following text run under the picture.]
Cartoons from
No. 12 of the Hasharatu'l-Arz ("Reptiles of tile Earth!'),
of which the lower one represents
"The political Arena in Central Asia"
+P117
of the Earth"(Hasharatu'l-Arz), and was repudiated by his
constituents and expelled from the Majlis. He afterwards came
to London in the summer of '908, and defended in the Westminister
Gazette (August 25)1 the destruction of the National
Assembly by Muhammad 'Ah Shah, and he appears subsequently
to have visited Karbala and Najaf with a view to
inducing the muJtekids to withdraw their support from the constitutional
cause, in which attempt he was happily quite unsuccessful.
Majdu'l-Islam was also suspected of taking bribes.
'Ayi`~`'d-Dawla, annoyed by the preachers' denunciations,
expelled Aqa Siyyid Jam~al, who retired to Qum, and after a
while decided to expel Shaykh Muhammad also. EJe was
seized by the soldiers' mounted on an ass, and hurried away, but a crowd
of people collected and opposed his removal. The
officer in command of the soldiers thereupon conveyed his
prisoner to a guard-house near at hand, shut him up in a cell,
and ordered the troops to fire on the crowd if they advanced.
A student named Siyyid Husayn, in spite of this warning,
rushed on the door of the guard-house and tried to break it
down. The officer ordered the soldiers to fire, but they refused.
Thereupon the officer himself shot the Siyyid dead, and a
furious conflict at once ensued. The officer fled, and Shaykh
Muhammad was rescued by the people from his captivity.
This happened on the 28th of Rabf' ii, A.H. ~324 (June 2~,
~go6), almost exactly two years before that bloodier and more
cruel day of the co'~p d'etet.
The body of the dead Siyyid was carried through the streets
and bezers amidst the lamentations of the onlookers, and further
conflicts took place between the people and the soldiers, who
tried to stop the procession and again fired on the crowd, killing some
fifteen persons, amongst whom was another Siyyid named
'Abdu'l-MajTd. The death of the two Siyyids was added to
the long account of the misdeeds of 'Aynn'd-Dewle, whose name
was 'Abdu'l-Ham~d, and the following verses were composed in
commemoration of this event:
1. The article was entitled "What happened in Persia.",
I replied to it in the issue of Sept. 4, 1908.
+P118
[The quotation to follow was preceeded by calligraphic script.]
"Once more Husayn hath died to please Yazid;
'Abdu'l-Hamid hath slain 'Abdu'l-Majid.
May God accept anew, O Prophet mine,
A thousand-fold this sacrifice of thine!"
Finally the soldiers dispersed the people, cleared the streets,
and occupied the whole town, while a large number of mullas,
rawza-khwans, students, merchants, tradesmen, artisans, and
peoyle of yet humbler rank took refuge in the Masjid-i-lami', a
Mosque situated in the centre of the city, and there buried
the body of the murdered Siyyid". Being besieged there by
the soldiers for three or four days they asked and obtained
the Sh~ll's per~nissiol1 to leave the city and retire to Qu n,
whither they were accompanied and followed by such numbers
of people that, as Taq`-zada expressed it, the road between
Tihran and Qum i' was like the street of a town."This event,
which took place about July z~, is 't~nown amongst the Persians
as "the Great Exodus"(HiJref-~-Xubra).
Meanwhile '~y~n'd-D~zwla ordered the bazars and shops,
which had been closed in protest, to be opened, threatening, if
this were not done, to have them looted by his soldiers. Thereupon,
about Thursday, J uly 1 9, a few representatives of the
merchants and bankers waited upon Mr Grant Duff, the British
Charge d'Affaires, at Qulhak, the summer quarters of the
Legation, and enquired ~vhether, ;f they took refuge in the
British Legation in the town,'~hey would be expelled or allowed
to remain under its protection. On receiving a reassuring reply, a few
of them at once proceeded to the Legation garden and
encamped there. By the following Monday, July z3, their
numbers had increased to 858, and three days later to 5000.
They demanded, as the conditions of their return to their
homes and avocations, the dismissal of '~Iynn'd-Dawla, the promulgation
of a Code of Laws, and the recall of the ecclesiastical
1. Professional reciters of narratives in verse and prose about
the suferings and martyrdoms of the Imams.
2. It was, however, exhumed, by order of Muhammad 'Ali Shah,
after the coup d'etat of June 23, 1905.
+P119
leaders from Qum. The Sh~h, greatly vexed and perplexed,
decided on July 30 so far to yield to the popular dcman~ls as to dismiss
~AYJ, Da~, appoint in his place the popular and
lib,eral M,'rz~'t Nasru'llah Khan, Alz~sh`'rn'rf-Daula, and invite the
'nnIlas to return from Qum to the capital; but the people, no
longer content with these concessions, and profoundly mistrustful of the
Government, now demanded a regular Constitution
and a representative National Assembly, with satisfactory
guarantees of the Shah's good faith. By August I the number
of refugees at the British Legation ~vas stated in the [i?i~es to amount
to t3,ooo souls' and, on the same authority, to have
reached within the next few days the enormous total of ~6,ooo'
though this estimate appears to be excessive, r~,ooo or '4,ooo
being probably ne;.rcr the truth. I;inally on August 5 ( ~ 4 Jum~da ii,
which happened to be the Shah's birthday) Muzaffar~'d-Din
granted all the demands of the liasfis, who thereupon quitted
the Legation. The following graphic account of these occurrences was
written by an eye-witness at the very time of their
happening, in August, 1906.
"1 do not know whether you are aware of the great events
which have been taking place in Tihran. The English papers
practically ignore the 'Land of the Lion and the Sun,' and
Persian news is generally relegated to small, out-of-the-way
paragraphs. I feel sure that these events will interest you, and am
therefore writil1g this letter to ~ive you some description of ul1at has
happened.
`' about a molltll ago [i.e. in July, I ,oo] it was rumoured
that a number of people intended to take best [sanctuary] at the British
Legation in town....I went down and found some forty
and odd merchants and il~ullas in the Legation garden....On the
following day their numbers increased large]y....I stayed there
three weeks, and it was certainly a unique experience. The
number of betstis increased by leaps and bounds, u'~til the
`5az~zrs were all closed, and some '2~000 refugees were encamped in the
Legation. It was a most curious sight, and I am sure
would have delighted you....Imagine the Legation Garden with
tents in every available place, and crammed with thoucancls of
+P120
all classes, merchants, 'nia?na, members of all the guilds, etc.,
sitting there day after day with stubborn patience, determined
not to leave the shelter of the British flag until their demands were
satisfied. They policed themselves in a most remarkable
manner, and, considering their numbers, gave little trouble.
Their kitchens and feeding arrangements were a model of
order. They extemporised a rough kitchen behind the guardroom,
and every day a circle of enormous cauldrons was to be
seen cooking the meals of this vast multitude. The meals were
served by guilds, and each meal took three hours to serve'.
"Perhaps the scene ~vas most picturesque at night. Nearly
every tent used to have a ?~azuze-khzue~z, and it ~vas really an
admirable tableau, these tents with their circles of listeners and the
razuca-khzouiz at one end, relating the old, old stories of
Elasan and Husayn. At the tragic parts, the audience would
weep in that extraordinary Persian manner, and beat their heads
in sign of grief. 1 used to stroll round the tents every evening to
witness this curious sight. I really believe that in those three weeks
I learned more Persian than during all the months I have
been in Persia Every day the leaders of the people used to
pay me visits and ask for ne`.vs or advice. In spite of the heat and the
putrid air from the garden, I was really quite sorry when it was over.
"~ will try to put before you briefly the essential points of
this popular uprising. Under the late Atabak, 'Ayncc'd-Da~via,
the country has been going to rack and ruin. The Persians can
stand a great deai of misgovernment, but even they could no
longer Support the tyranny and mismanagement of this Minister.
lIoreover the Russian Revolution has had a most astounding
effect here. Events in Russia have been watched with great
attention, and a new spirit would seem to have come over the
people. They are tired of their rulers, and, taking example of
Russia, have come to think that it is possible to have another
and better form of goYernmellt. The discontent culminated in
December l~c~os), when the whole body of the '~la?na left the
town and took ~s'at Shah 'Abdu'l-'Az1m, as a protest against
The expenses of the comrnissanat were defrayed by a fund of some 30,000
fm3 (6000) raised by subscnption by the merchants and ?~dS.
1.
+P121
the Government. After a six weeks' stay they were induced to
return on being promised a MczJlzs [ie. a Ma;lis-i-'Adalat] and
Courts of Justice. Needless to say, the Atabak had no intention of
carrying out his promises. Contrary to expectation, Muharram
[Feb. ~5-March z6, 1906] passed quietly, and there was comparative calm
until the middle of June, when the people, seeing
that none of the Shah's promises were being carried out,
became restless, and finally, at the beginning of July, serious
riots took place. The f~ezars were closed, and some 5000 of the
people took refuge in the Masjid-i-Jum'a. The Atabak surrounded
the Mosque with troops, thus cutting off their supplies
and forcing them to come out. A fight took place outside the
Mosque, and two Siyyids, Qur'an in hand, were killed. The
soldiers, however, chiefly owing to the high pay given them
during the riots, proved unexpectedly loyal, and the resistance
collapsed. The ringleaders and several important ?nujtaJcids
were expelled from the town, and all seemed quiet again. But
it was only the lull before the storm. Finding that they were
unable to oppose armed resistance to the Government, the
people decided to take bast in the British Legation, and this
proved a ~rery successful method of attaining their ends. The
Shah sent several envoys down to the Legation ~vith dast-'CIcatcs
"autograph letters], but the people refused to receive them.
Finally, the Shah was compelled to dismiss the Atabak, and the
M2`sici?~`'d-Daz~la became Saatr-i-A'.ze?n. He, at any rate, is not an
obstinate old fool like his predecessor, and, seeing how
dangerous the situation had become, induced the Shah to make
large concessions. After endless discussion, the people at last
accepted a Royal dast-~hatt, granting them a Parlia~nent to be
composed of all classes, Princes, Qajars, Nobles, landed proprietors,
merchants, tradesmen, etc. Blood-money was promised
to the relatives of the murdered Siyyids; the exiled ~ulle's have been
asked to return, and will be brought back in triumph, and
the Courts of Justice are to be established.
"The question every one is now askin, is, ~Are ~ve ~vitnessing
the Dawn of Liberty in Persia, or the beginning of a sorry
farce ~ ' I think it unlikely that the people will have any real power
in this Parliament. The Government will be sure to pack
+P122
it so that it may but endorse the views of the Court. But I
believe that in the end the people will win. They are, of course,
absolutely ignorant of the principles of government, with the '
exception, perhaps, of a few of their chiefs'. When I was in 1,
the Tihran Legation, they used to come and asked me how our
constitution was worked, and would show a ?zai~et! which was I
almost pathetic. They see clearly the object in view, but they I are
very hazy as to the means of attaining it. Undoubtedly it ~
will be many years before this Parliament can become really
effective 13ut many of the chiefs, amongst whom is a celebrated
Babi, have really a very clear conception of what is needed.
If only they will remain united, and not let the Government
sow dissensions amongst them, they should carry the day. Qui
-~iura ~~e/ ra .7
" It seems to me that a change must be coming over the
East. The victory of Japan has, it would appear, had a remarkable
inRuence all over the East. Even here in Persia it
has not been w ithout e~ct.... From the little study I have
devoted to the question, it almost seems to me that the East is
stirring in its sleep. In China there is a marked movement
against the foreigners, andr a tendency towards the ideal of
'China for the Chinese.' In Persia, owing to its proximity to
Russia, the awakening wou] d appear to take the form of a movement
towards democratic reform. In Egypt and North Africa
it is signalized by a remarkable increase of fanaticism, coupled with
the spread of the Pan-Islamic movement. The simultaneousness of these
symptoms of unrest is too remarkable to
be attributed solely to coincidence. Who knows ? Perhaps
the East is really awakening from its secular slumber, and we
Taqi-zada told me that a Commission was formed amongst the bast~s in the
Legation, which ~vas advised by certa~n more or less
Europeanized Persians of the educated official class, and was
also in com`T~nnication with the ecclesiastical leaders at (2um, who,
in turn, vere in touch with the Provinces. When the Sbah
promised to dismiss 'A',r~'d-Da`ia (who, on his dismissal,
retired to Pusht-i-K;~h), some of the n~ore simple~n~in~led [astis
~ished to ]eave the shelter of the Legation, but this Commission induced
then~ to remain, pointing out that only a fundamental reForrn of the
methods of govern~nent wol~ld guarantee them against
the tyranny and maladministration of other ministers as bad as
tbe ',iynu'd-Dazola. Thus the demand for a ' Ho~tse of
Justice " ('Ad~la`-.4ha7'a) developed into the demand for a
Parliament or National Assembly (4ta,'l~s-i-MiN`l.
+P123
are about to witness the rising of these patient millions against the
exploitation of an unscrupulous West.
"One remarkable feature of this revolution here-for it is surely worthy
to be called a revolution-is that the priesthood have found themselves
on the side of progress and freedom. This, I should think, is almost
unexampled in the world's history If the reforms which the people, with
their help, have fought for become a reality, nearly all their power
will be gone. The causes of this remarkable phenomenon are not
without their explanation, and are very interesting, but the subject is
a lengthy one, and I feel that I have already transgressed all
reasonable limits as regards prolixity.... "
The return of the ecclesiastical leaders from Qum to the
capital, escorted by '2lzz`~'J-M7'Jk and Hajji Nizamu'd-l~awla, which
took place a day or two after the Shah had yielded and the bast7ts had
left the British Legation, i.e. about August t5 or r6, was made the
occasion for great rejoicings over the "National Victory "
(Fath-i-MilfI), in which, according to a St Petersburg telegram dated
Aug. r7 (published in the Times of Aug. r8), the Russian colony bore a
conspicuous part. Some doubt is cast on their sincerity, however, by an
article which appeared in the St Petersburg BirzJ`eviya l~iedo7nosti of
Sept. r3, rgo6, which said that "it was becoming obvious that Persia
would succeed in obtaining reforms and even a Constitution, ~zalzis to
tice be7zevole7ct co-op~ratio7c of E7cgla77`f, and that this would be
ano~er Jceavy blo~v lo R~cssian prestige i' Asza ' " On August rg took
place the solemn official opening of the new House of
Parliament, in presence of the high ecclesiastical authorities'
~vho were entertained as the Shah's guests for three days.
The proclamation announcing the establishment of the "
National Consultative Assembly" (~7l`?J/is-i-5'izz~rli-yi-1llzllz') was
issued four or five days earlier, and a translation of it was published
in the 7~i?'zes for Sept. r, rgo6.
Fresh friction seems to have arisen about Sept. 8, when the ?Izz~llas
refused to accept the ordinances drafted by the Prime Minister, and the
Shah declined to allow the modifications they
1. Times, Sept. 14, 1906.
+P124
demanded. Thereupon a crowded meeting was held, the bdedrs were ag,;`in
closed, and the llritish I~c~ation was again invaded by t~asls. The
popular demand was (~) that Persia should be divided into eleven [or
thirteen] electoral areas; (~) that the May6:r should consist of zoo
members; and (3) that any male person between the ages of 30 and 70,
being neither a Government servant nor a convict, and able to read and
write, should be eligible for membership. These demands the Shah was
ultimately obliged to accept; the 'Ayn~'d-Daw~a was sent away
from the capital, and business was resumed. Muhammad'AI~Khan, 'A~'u's-
Sa/tena, formerly Persian Minister in London, was appointed Minister for
Foreign Affairs, and the M~hta was nominated to succeed him in his
former post. On Sept. ~ the Shah had accepted tl~e proposed ordinance
as to the constitution of the A,lajfzs, which was to consist
of ~56 members, 60 representing Tihran and 96 the provinces,
elections were to take place every two years, and deputies svere to be
inviolable. The voting in Tihran was to be direct, but in
the provinces by means of colleges of electors. The Shah was
A enthusiastically welcomed by the people on his return from the country
to the capital, the Parliament was announced to meet in a month, and by
the beginning of October the elections had
begun, four deputies representing the Royal House had been
I chosen, the m'`lias of Tabriz and Rasht were pacified, and the I
bestis had again left the British Legation. Arbab Jamshid was
elected a few days later to represent the Zoroastrians:
San'"n'dDawla was chosen President, and the Majlis, or National
Assembly, was opened on Oct. 7 without waiting for the arrival
I of the provincial deputies, the Shah's Speech from the throne
I being read out by the IVizam~c'l-Muf[.
The joy inspired by the realization of the popular hopes I
I was, however, dimmed by several ominous clouds on the political 1,
horizon. The financial condition of Persia was critical in the
extreme, and there was talk of a fresh external loan of 4oo,ooo from
England and Russia This project was announced, on the
authority of Reuter's agency, in the 7~`mes of Oct. zo, ~cp6,
while on the following day there appeared in the same news
paper an article foreshadowing an agreement between England '
Members of tile First Ma)~`s
(Oc~ 7, 1906-June '3, 1~.~08'
+P125
and Russia on certain matters of dispute in Asia, amongst
which Persia figured prominently. On NOK l? it was announced in the same
journal "that the contract for the Anglo-Russian loan, which was ready
last week, will be signed shortly, but the opposition of
the priesthood and popular party causes delay." The proposal was
submitted to the AlaHs on Nov. z3 by the Nasirn'l-Mu~, but objection
was raised to it on the ground that it would endanger Persia's
independence, and it was opposed by some sixty deputies, who advocated
instead an internal loan, an alternative plan which was unanimously
approved a week later. This important decision at once made it clear
that the new Parliament had no intention of being a mere tool in the
hands of the Shah and the Court Party, and that it was thoroughly alive
to the danger of foreign intervention, and the absolute necessity of
checking the foreign influences which had grown with such appalling
rapidity during the last ~7 or 18 years.
The conduct of Turkey also began to give grave cause for anxiety, not
only on the N.W. frontier, but at Karbala, which town, though situated
in Turkish territory, is almost entirely populated by Persians, drawn
thither by the sanctity of the place. This latter trouble began about
the end of October, when, in consequence of an attempt on the part of
the Turkish authorities to collect a disputed tax, some
two thousand Persians attempted to take refuge in the British
Consulate. They were refused admittance, and the doors were 1:
erred against them, whereupon they endeavoured to break open the doors
with iron bars, and a conflict occurred between them and the Turkish
soldiery, in which, apparently, some score of the soldiers and twice
the number of Persians were killed and wounded. As regards the
frontier dispute, which was going on at least as early as the beginning
of ~906 and was still acute in July, 1go8, the Turks were clearly the
aggressors, claiming and occupying points on the Persian side of the
mountains between Salmas and Margawar, west of Urmiya, to which they had
no shadow of right. Added to ali this was the Shah's illness, which
continually grew more serious, and the dissensions which began to appear
between the clerical and non-clerical elements of the popular party,
the latter publicly
+P126
accusing the former of pursuing their own interests and
seeking their own aggrandisement. The elections in the provinces also
continued to be subjected to various delays which aroused suspicions as
to the bona f cies of the Shah, who, moreover, stili postponed the
actual signing of the Constitutionl.
On November ~9, igoO, the correspondent whom I have already quoted wrote
as follows on the general situation:-
"The Reform Party seem to be marking time here. The National Assembly
was opened with a brilliant ceremony at the Royal Palace, to which all
the Corps Diplomatique was invited. Only the Tihran deputies have been
elected, but the Assembly has begun its deliberations without awaiting
the arrival of its provincial colleagues. Although the
reactionaries would seem to be recovering some of the ground they have
lost, I think the popular party is too well organised to be
entirely suppressed. The moYement is being skilfully engineered all over
the provinces. You no doubt saw in the papers that the Tabriz and Rasht
Collsulates were invaded in a manner similar to that in which the
Eegation was. They have extracted a promise from the
Wall-'ah] [i.e. the ex-Shah Muhammad 'All, then Crown Prince] that he
endorses the concessions made by his father, and, although the oaths of
Princes are seldom worth much, he may find some difficulty in ignoring
this one."
My next letter, in Persian, is from a Persian friend, who had recently
returned to his country after a long absence in India and England. It
was written on Dec. 29, 1906, and the translation of it is as follows:-
"M)r respected, accomplished and dear friend: may I be thy sacrifice!
On the eighth of this month I safely reached Tihran. Praise be to God,
I and my relatives are in the best of health, and 1 am very glad to have
the good fortune of spending a few days with my family, that is, my
mother, sister and brother, after these long years of separation. The
CO11dition of Tihran is, for the moment' very good. A
strange eagerness and enthusiasm is observable in the yeople. The
National Assembly is at present sitting, and yesterday, after ~ See
7.in'es of Dec. ~o, 1906.
+P127
much discussion, which lasted until midnight, they agreed, and it has
been settled, that to-morrow the Charter of
the Nation's Rights [Niza,~l-na;na-i-.~nqzcq-i-Millal] shall be ratified
by the Shah and the Crown Prince. So far as is known, this Charter is
rigidly drafted, and closely resembles that of England. The
Cabinet are responsible to the Parliament: the Assembly of Notables [or
Senate] will consist of 35 representatives of the People and 25
representatives of the Government; and the Members of the
National Parliament will amount to two hundred, ~vho v`till have the
right of criticising the financial arrangements of the Government. The
poor Shah lies on his death-bed, and his death is momentarily expected.
If the popular party do not become violent, and if they act wisely, the
Assembly's position will be a very strong one. There is a Republican
party [delta-i tz~mJzdff-tac'ab] who have assumed the title of
Pida~iyyin ('self-devoted'). These meet by night and swear on the Qur'an
that so long as they live they ~vill struggle
against Absolutism. A certain builder came to the house of a Minister
to repair an iron fire-place. On entering, he saluted the Minister. The
Minister's servant bade him do obeisance. He replied, 'Knave, do you
not know that we now have a Constitution, and that under a
Constitution obeisances no longer exist ?' A strange independence and
freedom are observable in the people, and it is impossible to say how
this change in their character has been so suddenly effected. The
~n~clc'as and the more Europeanized classes are on the best and most
cordial terms."
One of the most remarkable features of the Constitutional Movement was
the rapid development of journalism, which was, however, most marked in
~c,~o7, when the total number of newspapers appearing in Persia was said
to be about go. Some of these papers-notably the S~r-i-Isr~ffl,
or "Trumpet-call of Israhl" (the Angel of the Resurrection), the ~ab~'t-
Mati~l, or " Firm Cable," and the M'csa'ma't, or " Equaiity," were of
a very high order, and afford examples of a prose style, forcible,
nervous, and concise, hitherto almost unknown. The first, and, in some
ways, the most important of these papers, was the
+P128
Majlis, or "Assembly," which gave full reports of the debates in the
National Assembly, and of ~vhich No. ~ appeared on Nov. z5, '~o6. It was
followed about a month later (on Dec. 27, 1906) by the Nida-y`-Watan,
or '. Country's Call." The Hab~'lMatD-, published at Calcutta since
about ~89z, did not inaugurate its Persian edition until April 29, '~o7,
and the weekly 5~`r-~-IsrafiC first appeared c~n May 30,
~907. The [a~tadd?`n, or "Civilization," also a sveekly, preceded it by
three months, No. ~ appearing on Feb. ~, ~907. Some z5 of these
newspapers are known to me by name or by isolated numbers, while some
six or seven I used to receive regularly and read with attention: and
I desire to put on record a protest against the malicious and
unjustifiable assertion made in a leader on " the situation in I'crsia"
in the 71~`es of July '?, ~908, that "the free l'ress of Persia...proved
to be as mischievous and as dangerous as it has proved to be in other
Oriental lands." At its best the free Persian Press reached a very high
level, and at its worst it was superior to certain English, French and
American papers; but the marked hostility of the Ti,~es to the spread
of liberal ideas in the East easily explains such utterances to those
who
have followed its comments on Asiatic and North African affairs.
Let us return, however, to the history of the Maj~is. The popular
leaders did not allow the grass to grow under their feet, but
immediately set to work to draft the Electoral Law (~za~?~-P~d~ma-i-
~tikA~a'~t), which is the second of the four documents translated in the
Appendix. For this purpose a Committee ~,as appointed, which completed
its labours in 36 days, and the result of these labours, concluded on
Sept. 8, 1906, was duly ratified by the Shah on the following day. Two
of the
most prominent members of this Committee were the son of the
old Mush~r?c'd-Daw~z, then entitled M'cshffru'l-Mulk, but afterwards
known by his father's title, and the hI2'kictirn'sSalta~ra, a grandson
of that emineut mal1 of letters, the late Riza-quh Khan,
poetically called fI'dayat, and commonly known as a'la-bashi. The latter
belonged to a large and influential family (comprising
some forty living members), all of whom were well educated, and several
of whom had studied in Europe.
+P129
The following genealogical tree shews the more important members of the
family.
University wards presidenl
of Tihran of the Assembly
This family played a great role in the constitutional movement,
especially the three brothers San'u~d-Dawla, Mn~bin~'sSultana
and M~khbt~'l-M`ulk, who lived together in a large house and had al.vays
refused to take office during the days of tyranny. Now, however, they
were prominent in the new movement, and, as stated above, helped to
draft the first Electoral Law, of which, so soon as it was ratified,
some 50,000 copies were printed and distributed throughout the country.
Certain features of the Electoral Law, such as the very
large proportion of representatives (60 out of 156) accorded to
the capital, were certainly not intended to be permanent, but it was
felt, with justice, that no time must be lost in getting the National
Assembly to work, lest the Sh~h should change his mind and revoke his
rescript. This consideration also explains Article ~9 of the l?lectoral
Law, whereby it was enacted that the Assembly should begin its work as
soon as the elections were concluded in the metropolis, without waiting
for the arrival of the provincial deputies. This provision was a very
necessary one, for little news had yet reached the provinces of what was
happening in the capital, and in several cases where attempts were made
to hold provincial elections the local governor
interfered, even violently, to stop it. As it was, the Assembly actually
met and began its deliberations on October 7, ~go6. One of
its earliest important actions was to refuse to sanction a new loan of
400,000, to be provided in equal moieties by Russia and England on
terms not made public, which was on the point of being concluded by the
Shah and his advisers. Thus, even from the first, it shewed that it
would (
+P130
not become the docile instrument of the Court, but was capable of acting
with independence and patriotism.
Meanwhile Tabriz, where the constitutional movement was strong, was in
an uproar, owing to the tyranny of the [Vali-'aiid or Crown-Prince,
Muhammad 'All (the ex-Sh~h), who allowed nothing to transpire as to the
progress of events at the capital, and who, with the aid of his Russian
tutor, the notorious Shapsh~l Khan, and his reactionary
aide-de-camp, 'All Beg, had organized a system of espionage comparal~le
to that which prevailed in Turkey under the old rigime. Finally, on
Rajab zg (Sept. ~ 8, ~go6), the disturbance culminated in a number of
the citizens taking refuge in the precincts of the British Consulate,
while the shops were closed' the tyranny of the Wall-'af~d was
denounced, and energetic demands were made for freedom
and constitutional government. On Sha'ban 8 (=Sept. z7, ~906) a telegram
arrived at the Consulate from Mr Grant Duff, the British
Charge d'Affaires, announcing that the Shah had granted a
Constitution, whereupon the refugees left the Consulate and formed an
association known as the A ~juman-i-lV?~zzar, or " Council
of Overseers, t' to superintend the elections, which began forthwith and
lasted until Ramazan s5 (=Nov. ~, '906). Amongst tile leputies elected
was the young Siyyid Hasan, the son of Taqi, commonly known
as Taqi-zada, who, despairsug of Tabriz, had already started for Tibran
on Sept. 3, and who ~vas destined to play a very leading as well as a
very noble part in subsequent events.
During the latter part of October and the beginning of November' 1906,
two other disturbances occurred in Tabriz, the first directed against
a very mischievous and scheming Sayyicl named Mir Hashim', who was
finally expelled from the city, together with the
Imcf?n-Jum'a, a reactionary and tyrannical ecclesiastic. The
second disturbance, which took place about November 5, was caused by the
Walf-'akfl's attempt to dissolve the Aryuma?~-i-iVrlaz~r as soon as the
elections were over; an attempt which was strenuously
and successfully resisted by the popular party. Disturbances also
occurred early in
After the capture o[ Tihrin by the NationaL;sts he was arrested and
hanged on August 9, 1909.
Siyyid Hasan il~n 'Iaqi llaqi-zada)
One Of the Deputies ror T:lbriz
+P131
October at Rasht, Shiraz, Isfahan and Zanjan, where the British
Consulates, or, in the case of the town last-named, the telegraph
office, served as places of refuge for the oppressed. The popularity of
Great Britain amongst the Persian people was, indeed, now at its zenith,
and
to her representatives they instinctively turned for help,
protection and counsel.
The provincial deputies, as already stated, came in sloly, the first
to take his seat being the Waki~'r-Ri'jyd from Hamadan, and the
second Siyyid Taq[-zada, who was elected shortly after his arrival in
Tihran, his I't`bar-nama, or Certificate of Election, being sent after
him to the capital. The Assembly sat for the first three weeks of its
existence in the building named 'Im~ret-i-~kursf'ld, but afterwards
moved to the BaMr~sfan, which, together with the adjacent Mosque, was
originally built by Mirza Muhammad Husayn Khan Mushirn'd-Dawla in A.H.
'287 (A.D. ~870), but was appropriated by Ndsiru'd-Din Shah on the death
of that statesman. l~he return of political exiles, such
as Sa'dz~'d-Oazvia from Yazd, and Mirza ~qa of Isfahan, Hajji
Mtrza Hasan-i Rushdiyya and May~u'l-Isla?n from Kalat-i-Nadirl,
was demanded and conceded, and Sa'~'dlPazr~ia, who had been elected in
his absence, entered Tihran in triumph and took his seat
shortly afterwards. Hitherto the Assembly had acted with calmness, but
he inaugurated extremist views and utterances, and created
an organized Opposition.
The matters which chiefly occupied the attention of the Assembly at this
period were the question of the Fundamental Law ,f,Q4ndn-~-~s~s~ and the
question of creating a National Bank. The Fundamental Law w as ready for
the Shah's approval before the end of October, but he
desired sundry trivial alterations in it, and owing to the delays to
which this gave rise it was not finally ratified until December 30,
~906, only five days before his death. It was also signed by the Crown
Prince, Muhammad 'Ah Mirza (the ex-Shah), who had arrived in the capital
from Tabriz two or three weeks previously. It is the third of the four
documents of which translations are given in the Appendix.
The question of the Nationai Bank progressed less favourably,
though gallant efforts were made to raise the required i
+P132
capital by subscription. A hundred persons subscribed Sooo ~na?~s (about
.~ooo' each, while some gave yet larger sums, up to 30,000 t~mans. ~The
poor also contributed: students sold their books and women their
ornaments to support the Bank: a million t~i~nans ~vere subscribed in
Tihran alone, while Tabriz promised another million from itself and the
province of Azarbayjan. But the Shah made his
agreement conditional on an immediate loan of two million
~mufis, while other difficulties were thrown in the way by the
existing English and 12ussian Ilanks, which, as far as possible, strove
to render money scarce and difficult to obtain, believing, it is
asserted, that if a National Bank with a capital of six million tdmci?zs
should bc created in 1'ersia they would sooner or later find their
business gone and be compelled to retire in its favour.
To return, however, to the 3]ajlis' which had l~een sitting since
October ~. On December ~o it demanded from Muza~aru'd-D'n Shah ~an
immediate answer as to whether the Constitution was to be signed or not.
On December ~7 Muhammad 'All Mirza, the Wall-'ah] or Crown-Prince
(the ex-Shah), arrived from Tabaz at the capital, and on the morning of
December 30 he signed the Constitution, and also a separate document
promising not to dissolve the existing Parliament for at least two
years. How he kept that promise, and many similar ones, is known to a]l,
and will be discussed in succeeding chapters.
Muhammad 'All Shah Qaj~r
Born 187~: crowned January Ig, Igo7: deposed July 16, 190'
+P133
CHAPTER V.
MUHAMMAD 'ALI SHAH AND THE CONSTITUTION, FROM HIS ACCESSION UNTIL THE
ABORTIVE COUP D'ETAT OF DEC., 1907.
ON New Year's Day, 1907, the Constitution, signed at last by the dying
Shah, under the strong suasion of the clergy (who bade him remember that
he ~vas about to meet his God, and should strive to take with him into
that awful Presence some deed of great merit which might
counterbalance his sins of omission and commission), was taken to the
National Assembly bythe Prime
MinisterM`cskir~'d-Dawla. Not onlytheBahdrista'?', which almost from
the first inception of the Assembly had served as the House of
Parliament, but all its approaches and the gardens surrounding it were
thronged with an enthusiastic concourse of spectators, many of whom wept
with joy as they exchanged embraces. Commemorative poems by the
Shay~f,u'rRa'fs and others were recited, the city was illuminated for
two successive nights, and joy and gratitude reigned supreme".
A week later, on Jan. 8, ~907, Muzaffaru'd-Dln Sh~h was gathered to his
fathers, and was succeeded by his son Muhammad 'All Mirza, who ~vas duly
crowned on Jan. ~g, and whose second son, Sultin Ahmad MIrza, was
proclaimed Wall-'af~ (CrownPrince) on Jan. 25. That the new Shah should
dislike the Constitution and regard the May~s
with suspicion and aversion was perhaps natural enough, for he had
looked forward to exercising the same autocratic and irresponsible
powers as his predecessors had been wont to enjoy, and it could hardly
be expected that he would welcome the limitations of his authority laid
down
See No. ~ of the J'vi~-yi-wa~a ("The Country's Call"), dated Thursday,
'8 Dhu'l Qa'da, A.H. 13~4 = Jan. 3, 1907]
+P134
by the Constitution, which liimitations, it was clear from the
beginning, the National P~ssembly inter~ded to enforce. He manifested
this dislike by not inviting the Deputies to be present at his
Coronation (of which brilliant ceremony a description is given in No.
5 of the Nida-yi- Wata'`). This omission, the first of a series of
slights put upon the ~llaglis by the Shah, was greatly resented by the
Deputies, and their anger ~vas increased by the refusal of the
responsible Ministers to appear in the House and answer questions. For
it was provided by the Constitution that, though the Ministers were to
be nominated by the Shah, they were to be responsible to the Assembly,
and that v~ithout its consent no tax should be imposed, no
expencliture incurred, and no foreign loan or concession allowed. IN ow
at this juncture not only did the responsible Ministers absent
themselves from the Assembly, but the raising of a fresh loan of
400,000 in equal moieties from llussia and England, on certain
conditions not made public, was still in contemplation!. The project for
this loan had been drafted ;n Russia and the draft had been approved by
England, while the Shah's one object was to obtain money,
regardless of Persia's future well-being. But at the last moment the
Assembly, which nobody seems to have taken into account, came to the
rescue and absolutely refused to sanction this transaction,
which the ~i'Z~If,S, with a wise and far-sighted patriotism, denounced
as the final sale of Persia's independence. So convinced was the Prime
Minister that the people were in earnest that he refused to go forward
with the matter, understanding that if he did so his life would not be
safe. And although he still refrained from appearing in the Assembly in
person, he caused the other Ministcrs, h~cluubig the IV`z~inc'l-M2~,
to be present at its deliberations. Thus it became apparent from the
very first that the Alaylis had no intention of becoming a cypher: As
Aqa Mirza Mahmud, one of the Deputies, said in the debate of January ~g
(the day of the Coronation) in the course of the discussion which arose
on the absence of an~r notification to the Assembly as to
In Hazell's '4?InUal [o! ~go; this A'~glo-Rassian loan is spoken of as
afai' arrorVi;.
+P135
the important ceremony which was then taking place, "now that the Majlis
is at the beginning of its career, let it demand its rights if it can',
otherwise it will hereafter be unable to do anything." " We should have
been content," added Aqa Siyyid Husayn, " to be represented by our
President alone: the point is that the Assembly was disregarded."
Although it was politely assumed at this period that the Shah was the
friend and supporter of the Assembly, his Ministers and governors were
freely criticised. In several cases the progress of provincial elections
had been hampered or even arrested by the local governor, as in Khurasan
by the Asafu'd,-Dawla, and at Tunkabun, where Amir As'ad had actually
inflicted the bastinado on Shaykh Muhammad for endeavouring to carry out
the election. The punishment of these autocratic tyrants ("isti~dadis")
was demanded by several Deputies, and Hajji
Siyyid Nasru'llah remarked that " these matters clearly shewed that the
Government did not co-operate with the Nation, and that the
same autocratic and wilful conduct u~hich had formerly existed in the
ruling class still characterized their actions," and he then
proceeded to criticize the irregular attendance and unsatisfactory
replies of the Ministers of Finance and Education. '`
These Ministers,'t observed another Deputy, Siyyid Hashim, "do not at
all like the Assembly. They are the same men who wrought all this
mischief in the kingdom, who slew some of its people, drove some into
exile, suffered many to be shot at Karbala', and wasted men's honour and
property." " Why do ye sit here ? " he concluded: " What sort of
Assembly is this ? What work is this ? We must put a stop to the
clepredations of these traitors and gi~e effect to the laws.' "The Shah
is surrounded by persons," resumed Hajji Siyyid Nasru'llah, "who are
opposed to the success of the Assembly, and who do not want a law; else,
if they desired reform, it would be well that they
should entrust the artillery, for example, to some more capable person'
and so with other departments. And though these things are not the
business of the Assembly, I must observe that affairs cannot be
permitted to revert to their
1. See No. 30 of the Majlis, p. 1.
2. This alludes to the event described on p. 125, supra.
+P136
previous condition, when such offices were merely nominal:
henceforth they must be assigned in accordance with merit and
capacity."And these utterances, culled from the debate of
fan. ~g, igo7, fairly represent the general tone and feeling of the
Assembly.
The Assembly, whatever its defects may have been, saw
quite clearly where reform was most needed. Warned by the
experience of other Muslim countries, such as Kgypt and Tunis,
which have suffered from European intervention, they clearly
perceived the danger of being indebted for even so comparatively small
a sum as three or four millions of pounds to
one, and still more to two, of the great European Powers; and
they saw that the extravagance of the Sh~h and his Court was
the primary source of this danger. They were also thoroughly
alive to the evils inherent in the abominable system of farming
the revenues, whereby of ten '~m~ns extorted by every species
of tyranny from the peasantry hardly one ultimately reached the
State Treasury. Hence their efforts were at an early stage
directed:
(1) To preventing any fresh loans from Russia or England;
(2) To fixing the Shah's Civil List, and vigorously limiting
him to that amount;
(3) To the establishment of a National Bank;
(4) To the abolition of mad~.kdil, or irregular and illegal
profits, especially in the collection of the revenues;
(5) To getting rid of the Belgians and other foreigners who,
originally introduced to organize the Customs, had latterly
increased in power to a most dangerous extent, and whose object
was rather to encourage than to check the extravagance of the
Court. Amongst these Belgians M. Naus and his co-adjutor
M. Priem were specially obnoxious.
The National Bank Concession was granted on Feb. 1, 1907,
and the Loan and Current Accounts Agreement with the
Government passed the House on March ~6. On Feb. ~o
the Shah was compelled to dismiss M. Naus. who, however,
was detained in Tibran until May 30, in order that he might be
compelled to render an account of his stewardship. His un
+P137
popularity was increased by the knowledge that, in order to
increase his own profits, he had advocated the obnoxious Anglo-
Russian loan, and he was the object of a hostile demonstration
on May z. The leader of the agitation against him was the
Sa'dn'd-Dawla, formerly Persian LIinister at Brussels, a personal enemy
of Sn?~l'u'd-f~awla, then President of the Assembly, and
professedly a staunch patriot and reformer. Of the five objects
mentioned above, therefore, the Assembly was completely successful in
the first and in the most vital part of the last. The
establishment of the National Bank presented greater difficulties, for
though poor men, women and children, moved by the eloquence
of Aqa Siyyid Jamal and other preachers, came forward
to offer their small savings to the Nation's need, the wealthy
aml great hung back. The sympathies of the rich l'arsccs, or
Zoroastrians, of 13ombay, who might have been both willing and
able to afford efficient help, were unfortunately alienated by the cruel
and unprovoked murder, on Feb. '3, at Yazd, of one of
their co-religionists named Arbab Parwiz, which, though deplored by the
Press and the vast majority of the Persian people, including the '~lamd
of Islam', nevertheless created a bad impression
amongst the Zoroastrian community.
At this point I may with advantage quote the correspondent
already cited, who, writing about the beginning of March, TgO7,
says:-
"The National Assembly is growing in strength and boldness.
Their greatest triumph was, of course, the dismissal of M. Naus, which
the Government accorded very unwillingly. They presented
several demands of far-reaching consequences, amongst
which this and the responsibility of blinisters [were the most
important]. The Government refused, temporised, threatened,
but in vain. The Shah with his unarmed, unpaid, ragged,
starving soldiers, what can he do in face of the menace of a
general strike and riots ? The Government had to climb down
and grant all that was asked of them. It would be difficult to
1. See No. 12, of the Nida-yi-Watan, pp. 2-3. The promoter of this
murder was believed to be Sani--Hzrat, who was protected by Muhammad
'Ali Shah, but who was executed for this and other crimes after the
deposition of that monarch on July 29, 1909.
+P138
exaggerate the importance of this victory, especially in the case of M.
Naus's dismissal. It will soon become known all over the
country' even among the many tribes of Persia, that the real
power in the land is no longer the Shah, but the Majlis. The
danger of this impression working on the simple, ignorant minds
of the tribesmen is obvious. It is to be hoped that the Majlis
will take prompt measures to E'rovide the means to suppress any
outbreaks amongst the turbulent tribesmen, who may be encouraged by the
eclipse of the Royal Authority to give the reins
to their freebooting instincts. So far the Maylis has been almost
entirely destructive, and it has destroyed well ! It has reduced the
power of the Throne to a shadow of its former splendour; it
has preYented Princes of the Blood from aspiring to Ministries;
it has dismissed M. Naus, a work which three years' agitation
had been powerless to accomplish; it has firmly established the
principle of the responsibility of Ministers; it has rendered the
purchase and sale of high posts a matter of extreme difficulty.
There now remains for it to start on the mighty work of constructing on
the ruins of the old system a new and invigorated
Persia. Is it capable of this task? I am optimistic, though I
must own that nearly all European opinion here is pessimistic.
Of one thing I feel certain, namely, that this Dynasty can never destroy
the Maj~`s. The members of that Assembly, slightly
changing Mirabeau's famous words, might well say: 'We are
here by the will of the People, and naught but the force of
forezgn bayonets will turn us out.' The epithet is a necessary
addition, for it is difficult to see where any Shah could find the
native bayonets in sufficient force to crush this movement, which is a
strong, deep, genuine and widespread impulse of a whole
people, making one last, desperate struggle to shew to an
astonished world ~ ce `~ue c~es' 4U'~c7'e nat~orc qui ne ve~ct pas
pi~ir."'
Writing again on April 2Z, T907, the same correspondent
says:-
"There would seem to be a pause in the struggle between
King and People here, in which both parties are marking time.
Unfortunately the Shah's distrust of the National Assembly
+P139
is increasing, and the possibility of a durable understanding
betwecu two almost irreconcilable principles, Despotism and
lemocracy, is, I fear, remote. A great deal depends on the
Am?~IC'5-StCiga'?C, who is expected every day. He has travelled
much, and 'seen many men and cities' since his fall five years
ago. Has he learned wisdom ? Will he accept the inevitable
and work whole-heartedly for a Constitutional State ? That is
the question. At any rate he is the last arrow in the Royal
Quiver. If he fails, we may chant the a?e 1D?ofundis over the
Qajar Dynasty! "
On March 17 the Musicf?u'd-Daw~c resigned the office of
Premier, on grounds of health, as stated in the Persian Press
, t~e.g. JVidn-'z-Wata?l, No. 18, p. 7), but more probahly because he
could not prevent, and would not further, the Sh~h's selfish
and unpatriotic policy of destroying the National Assembly,
even at the price of foreign intervention. For the time being
the office of Grand Wazlr was left unfilled, but the Wa~/r-~-
Afkham was made Minister of the Interior, and the Farman-
farmd Minister of Justice.
It was not, however, the Shah's intention to leave vacant the
important post which the Musf~fru'd-Dawlac had )ust resigned,
and he was in communication with the am~u'S-s~c~n (whom,
to avoid confusion, we shall continue to speak of by this, his
earlier title, not by the title of A tdiak-~-A'~a?n). This experienced
and wily statesman, suspected of compassing the death of his
rival the .Hak~m~c'l-Mu~l, and denounced by the "zu~tahids as
an infidel for his share in bringing ahout, in conjunction with
M. Naus, the two Russian loans of '89~900 and ~go~, had
been compelled to flee the country at the end of 1903, and had
for three years and a half been travelling far and wide in Europe and
Asia. To him the Shah now turned, inviting him to return
and resume the office of Prime Minister. This, after some hesitation,
he consented to do. In Russia, on his way to the Caspian,
he was treated with conspicuous honour, was sent to Anzalf
(Enzeli) in a Russian gunboat, and was received with a liberal
display of flags and salutes. The a,~Jumn?ls, or political societies
which had been so extensively developed in Persia since the
1. See p. 108 supra.
+P140
Constitution was granted, and, indeed, all patriotic Persians
regarded his return with tl~e deepest misgivings, and the
people of Rasht forcibly opposed his landing on Persian soil
until he had solemnly sworn fidelity to the Constitution. He
finally reached Tihr~n on April 26, and within a week was appointed
President of the Council of Ministers and Minister of
the Interior.
The situation with which the A'n~n's-51~in was confronted
was calculated to appal even that wary and resourceful minister. The
finances of the country were in the utmost disorder: the
Treasury was empty: the Sh~h and his courtiers were resolved
on the destruction of the Assembly and the restoration of the
old regi~2e, while the Assembly itself was div-ided into a moderate
party led by the Sa~zf'1v'~-~`z, a friend of the An~fnns-Sultan. and an
extreme party led by his old enemy the Said~'d-Da~~la
The former party was supported by most of the clergy, the latter by the
more revolutionary o.~'ju'iZa115, and it was the former party which the
~47/,si'u's-Sult~1' strove to win over to his view that in the
circumstances a foreign loan afforded the only means of
providing the money so urgently required on eYery side. Even
he understood the violeI't feelin~ of the National Party against any
fresh loan from abro;~d, and without a n1ajority of tile
Assermbly at his back he dared not venture on such a step.
His chief opponent in the Assembly, the Sa'dn'd-Daz~ria, whose
sincerity began to be suspected by the National Party, ceased
to attend the Majlis after the end of May, and for the next
three months it looked as though the ~4~nssss~s-S`citan might
succeed in carrying out his policy.
Meanwhile disturbances continued to occur in almost all
parts of the country In M;lrcll tile people of 1sfahan revolted
agah~st the Shah's uncle, tl~e Ziii'~'s-S'~"tan, who had to be
dismissed, and at the end of the same mortth there were riots at
Sh~raz in the South, and at Tabriz itl the North-West, where a
large consignment of arms h1tended for the Shah was seized
and held by the people. In April disputes arose amongst the
BakEtiyan chiefs; in May there were disorders at Sultanabad;
in June more or less serious disturbances occurred at Kirmanshah, Tabriz
and Maku, while lid rs continued in a state of turmoil.
[Photograph of Mirza 'Ali Asghar is bound between pages
140 and 141 with the following text run under the picture.]
Mirza 'Ali Asghar Khan Amina's-Sultan and Atak-i-A'zam
Assassinated by 'Abbas Aqa on August 31, 1907
+P141
and the Shah's hrother, the Salaru'd-Dawla, claimed the throne,
came out in open revolt, and was finally defeated and captured
after a pitched battle lasting three days at Nihawand. He took
refuge in the British Consulate at Kirmanshah, but was ultimately, on
satisfactory assurances of his safety being given, handed over to the
Zab~r'd-Datula, the Shah's representative, on June zz.
More serious in its moral effects, as still further increasing
the people's suspicions as to the Shah's good faith, was an
attempt made in May by the son of the afterwards notorious
Rahim Khan to remove by violence certain prominent reformers
of the National Party in ~zarbayjan. Of this event and of the
S~lar~'d-Dawla's rebellion the correspondent already quoted
gives the following account in a letter dated June 19, 1go7:-
"You have probably seen fragmentary accounts of the
troubles going on in Persia. The M`zJlts and the people
firmly believed that the Shah had instigated Rah~m Khan's
son to march on Tabriz, in spite of all official denials. Rahim
Khan is a robber chief, whom the Shah, when Wall-'aid (Crown-
Prince), had imprisoned for various offences. According to the
popular version, the Shah arranged with Rah~m Khan that his
son, who is at the head of a force of bandits in Azarb~yjan'
should march on Tabriz, break up the local a?'y~man, and with
fire and sword tame the unruly citizens of that turbulent town.
Meanwhile, to create a diversion in his favour, hired assassins
were sent to Tabriz to murder several prominent citizens of the
any~ma? and throw the popular party into confusion. Unforte~nately
[for the success of the plot] these ruffians were
caught while engaged on the royal errand. One was killed
in the scuffle; the other two, under the influence of torture,
confessed. Telegrams from Rah. Im Khan to his son were
intercepted, and the cat was out of the bag. Tabr~z was up
in arms; 8000 armed citizens patrolled the streets, swearing to
exterminate Rahim Khan's son and his bandits if they approached
the town. That gentleman thought prudence the
better part of velour, and stayed at a safe distance. In
Tihran the people's anger knew no bounds. The Shah's
representative went to the Maylis to deny any connection with
+P142
Rahim Khan, but was greeted ~vith loud angry cries of ~ dur~gh
~nf-g;'fynd' ('he lies !'). It was Sunday, May 26, and according to
Persian custom the Sh~h's birthday began at sunset that day.
The town was decorated, and illuminations everywhere prepared.
By six o'clock in the evening, every decoration, every lamp had
been taken down, even in the inner courts of the Royal Palace.
The Shah, to assuage the popular svrath, sacrificed his tools, and Rahim
Khan was given up to the Ministry of .Justice to stand
his trial....By these means the Shah succeeded in patching up a
sort of truce with his people, and the reception of the Corps
~iplome~i~`e and the official dinner given by the N~ib~'s-
Saltena' were able to take place. But can the harm created
by this criminal blunder be so easily repaired ? The Shah has
officially denied any connectio'1 with Rahm Klldn and his
bandits, but the people are sceptical2. Is it not a sorry
spectacle, this of Muhammad ~All Shah, with his robber chiefs
and his hired assassins, thinking to get the better of a movement of
this magnitude, of a people in the throes of revolution,
working out their inevitable destiny ? Verily he is not
worthy of our consideration, this Qajar Prince (if Qajar he
be). Ele is no longer a serious factor. ' Gz~ar`la e passa.'
"We have also had a sort of miniature civil war in which
the Saler~'d-Da~vla, the ShAh's brother, played the leading part. He had
been prancing round Hamadin with a few hundred
Lurs, threatening to march on Tihran and depose his brother.
At last he had to be taken seriously, and an army was sent
out to meet him. The two forces met at Nihawand, of historic
memory. How the heroes of that great battle, in which Persia
made her last stand against the Arabian hordes and perished
nol~ly, must have laughed in their unhallowed graves'! Three
days the Salfira'd-De~zvla and the royal forces engaged in bloody
combat, and scarce two hundred casualties were reported! After
that the SaMr'`'d-/Jawla retired. And that was all! But then
"twas a famc~us victory I '
"The National Assembly is at present stronger than ever,
Kamran Micza, son of Nasiru'd-Djn Shah and unc~e of l~luhan~mad'Ab Shah.
2 The subsequent career of Rahin~. Khan fiully justified this
scepticiSm. The great Battle of Nihawand took pl~ce in A.D. 644.
Prtnce Al~u'l-Fath Mirza Sd~r~'d-Dawla
Born 1880: claimant to the throne of Persia: defeated at
Nihawand, Ju~le 1907
+P143
largely owing to the folly of its enemies. It has passed at 1east one
great constructive measure, which it has forced the Sh~ah
to accept, nan~ely the formarion of local government all over
Persia. It remains to be seen whether this measure will be
satisfactorily carried out, but anyhow a great step has been
made. Local Assemblies (a'lJumans) are to be elected in every
province, and the administration will no longer be in the hands
of arbitrary Governors. t has also, amongst other things,
passed a la~v by which all "~y~ilat (hefs) return to the State. I need
made no comment on the daring nature of this reform.
It has now turo formidable tasks before it, the reformation of
the ,~dliyy~ (taxes), and the question of suppressing that
enormous abuse, the mz~stam~rriy~d' (permanent pensions).
The second of these reforms, if the Assembly dares to attempt
it, will, as you know, be a very ticklish matter. But I believe
in the Mayl~s. Its members are daily gaining experience, and
the tone of the debates, the general procedure, is daily improving. The
people are awake and slowly learning. The
most remarkable manifestation of the popular awakening is the
large increase in the number of newspapers'. Not the old,
stilted, futile style of paper, but popular journals, ~vritten in
comparatively simple language. Everyone seems to read a
paper now. In many of the Qakwa-khanas (coffee-houses)
professional readers are engaged, who, instead of reciting the
legendary tales of the S~-?'ama, now regale their clients with
political news."
On July z5, ~907, the Assembly celebrated, with great
~ Of these modern papers, essenlially connected with the constitutional
movement, the earliest, so far as I can ascertain, was the,l~aylzs
("Assembly"], of which No. I appeared on Nov. aS, 1906. This was
followed by the Arzdd-yi-Watan (Dec. z7, 1900~; the TamadG!un(Feb. ',
19071; thelYahiu'l-MatintApril,9, 1007); theS~r-i-lsrdf~ (May 30, 1907~;
the AIsd~dt (Oct. 13, 1907~; and the Tiydtr (;day 5, rgo81. Other
papers, of which I do not know the dates of appearance, are, the
Mahzrif' the ~arydd, the l~hrs~iiad, the il~fus.a-~ar, the 'A~z~at, the
Tarbiynt, the Azdd, the Watan, the f~rri~yatl the Anj~rnar, the
Gulistdn, the ~Yas~i~l, al-.Jandb, the Sr~bh-i-Sda'iq, the R~hu'i-
QYdlYs, the Taraqqf, the Chibra-an;d, the Alayalla-i-fstib~ad, etc. The
weekly Calcutta ~Yabl"'I-Matin was founded about 189, and the younger
homonymous Tihran daily is an offshoot of it. See pp. r:7-8, supra. The
papers published in Persia before the granting of the Constitution (such
as the frdn, Sharaf, Ittlld', etc.) were worthless.
+P144
pomp, the first anniversary of the Constitution.1 Of this event the
correspondent above cited, writing on August 14, gives the
following account:-
"It is so difficult in the narrow confines of a letter to give you any
idea of the progress of events. ~The old order changeth, giving place
to the new.' Slowly hut steadily Persia is working
out her salvation. One by one the props of tyranny have been
overturned, and the people are little by little gaining that sense of
responsibility which is the beginnh~g of wisdom. You
probably saw in the papers some account of the National
Festival, on the date of the granting of the Constitution. It
was a magnificent fefe, and it produced an excellent effect.
It sealed, so to speak, t~,c solem'1 compact of the Constitution. The
National Assembly, ~vith a wise prodigality, spared no
expense, and arranged a f~le worthy of the greatness of the
occasion A great reception was given in the Baharistan (the
House of Parliament) which lasted from 3 to ~o p.m. In the
afternoon we strolled about in the gardens, and bands of school-
children marched round reciting dithyrambs in praise of the
Ala~Izs and against despotism, etc. As soon as it became darlc,
we went up to a large tribune erec~ed in front of the 13ahiristan,
dominating the whole ~acaya(~ . This tribune was reserYed for
the Corps Dzploma~i,~ne, the Ministers and Deputies. The whole
sJiaya~a~z was brilliantly lit up, and on all sides were smaller
tribunes erected by popular societies. The fireworks started
by an inscription being lighted up in front of the tribune: ']n
Jashn az barayi abl-i-tran '7~ba?a,l-ast' ' This festival is a
blessed one for the people of Persia'). A das`-kha (autograph
letter) from the Sh~ah was read from the tribune and received
with cheers. It was truly e. strange spectacle, and my mind
went back to the same time last year....when those r~,ooo
refugees were encamped in the garden of the British Legation.
Much water has flowed under the bridge since then, and it is
no longer the people who require to take bast anywhere As
I stood there, looking round now at the tribune, with its
strange medley of foreign representatives, Persian Ministers and I
CalledJashn-z Afiiat, "the N:ltional Festivalt'
+P145
Deputies, now at the seething crowd below shouting enthusiastically,
'Down with Despotism,' 'Long live Freedom,' etc.,
my last doubt vanished, and the belief ~ have held all along,
that the people will win in the end, became a certainty. In
spite of the appalling difficulties which encompass it, in spite of all
the powers of darkness and tyranny leagued in unholy
alliance against it, the National Assembly will triumph~ for its cause
is the cause of Justice and Progress. Every European
standing there on that historic occasion who wishes well to
Persia must have echoed in his heart tl-~e cry of the n~ultitude which
swelled from below, and, taken up in the tribunes, ran
from end to end of the 7nayd~rz: '~zn~ baf! ll~aj~ i-S~tiY~-yi
Y'zilif-i-l'~`zn./, ('Long iive the National Consultative Assembly of
Pcrsia l').
"I was greatly struck by the famous Tabriz member Taqizada,
~vho was sitting quite close to me on the tribune. He
has won deserved fame by his fearless independence and his
wonderful grasp of political affairs. There is something so
sympathetic in his face, so attractive, that it escapes all definition.
Imagine a man of barely twenty-five years of age,
slightly built, just over the ~niddle height, ~vith a handsome,
boyish face and eyes sparl;ling with cheerful animation, but
dimmed at times, especially as he leaned forward to look at
the crowd, by that expression which belongs to the dreamer
beneath the man of action. He was dressed, as a Persian should
be, in a light' bluish-gray 'aba (cloak), with a white and blue
turban, the emblem of his birth (for he is a Siyyid). His
clothes were spotlessly clean, but there was nothing of the
(irang"-~'za'~' (Europeanized Persian) about him. He has
a cheerful face, a face which inspires confidence. If I am not
mistaken, he is of those whose genius is capable of inspiring
great enthusiasms, great sacrifices, and whose influence leaves
a lasting impression on the history of nations. What was he
doing, this boy of twenty-five, during the long, bitter years of
humiliathlg despotism ? Surely the mere presence of such men
in the National Assembly effectively destroys the theory that
Persia stu~nbled into liberty by accident. Did laqi-zada only
learn his political science after some twelve thousand of his
+P146
countrymen had taken bast in the British Legation?...l wish
you would spend another year amongst the Persians, and, before
it is too late, make known to the world the origins of this
movement, which may, perhaps, be the greatest of modern
times."
All competent observers seem to agree that the deputies from
Azarblyjan, and especially from Tabriz, constituted the salt of
the Assembly. Their arrival at the capital on February 7, ~907,
was hailed with enthusiasm; the people of Tihrin flocked to
meet them, embraced ~hem, congratulated them, and were lavish
in their offers of hospitality. Fron~ their arrival, moreover, dated
the growing strength and boldness of the Assen~bly, its determination
to make its po~ver felt and its voice heard, its refusal
to be ignored or suppressed. These Tabriz deputies, who were
regarded as being sincere patriots almost to a man, represented
the more extreme or radical party, and seem to have been
influenced by the ideas of the Russian reformers. Taq(-zada
was spoken of as almost if not quite a socialist, and as being
very well informed as to the political ideas current in Europe,
sincere, resolute, eloquent ~nd tactful-altogether a very remarkable
man. Next to him in ability was placed his colleague
Mirza Faxl-'AIf Aqa. Both of these, but especially the former,
were said to have shown debating ability of a very high order,
and a wonderful power of keeping the discussions to the point,
or bringing them back to it when (as was too often the case)
they tended to wander into irrelevancies.
Next to the National or Popl~lar Party, the so-called "Clerical
Party "was the most interesting and important. It was led by
certain nz'~jfakid~s, amongst whom Siyyid ~Abdu'llah Babbahani
and Siyyid Muhammad Tabataba'i were the most prominent.
Most of those who watched the Persian constitutional struggle
were struck by the rare phenomenon of a popular movement
in which the Clergy played so prominent a part, since this
movement, if successful, could hardly fail to deprive them
of a large part at least of their influence and power. It must
be remembered, however, tllat, lil e the [ris]l priests, the Persian
m73~las are an essentially ~lational class, sprung from the
+P147
people, knowing the people, and, if suspicious of administrative
innovations, yet more suspicious of foreign interference. The
movement ~vhich gradually became constitutional was, as we have
seen, in its inception a popular protest led by the Clergy against the
extravagance of the Court, which, to gratify its caprices,
was ready to surrender the country into the hands of foreigners
and unbelievers. Without the support of the Clergy the people
could neither have broken down the Tobacco MonopQIy nor
have extorted from the Shah a Constitution. On the other
hand the Clergy certainly did not approve of all the democratic
ideas of the Popular Party, and many conflicts took place
between these two factions. Thus the democrats desired to
make all Persian subjects equal in the eye of the Law, but the
clericals strongly opposed any surrender of the privileges at
present enjoyed by Muslims over the adherents of other
religions, and demanded that no law -agreed upon by the
Assembly should become valid until it had been ratified by
a clerical committee as being in conformity with the SJ,ar`, or
Ecclesiastical Law of Islam. Nor did the opposition of the
clerical leaders confine itself to great questions of principle: they
have in some cases objected to words and expressions
savouring of neology, or suggesting foreign ideas.
Yet in spite of the almost inevitable conflict which must
exist between democrats and clericals, in any country and in
any age, these two parties have on the whole worked together
in the Persian constitutional movement, the success of which
is largely due to this co-operation. The democrats cannot
afford to dispense with the influence of the Clergy, and are
careful on all occasions to emphasize the fact that true Islam
is democratic, and that their aims are inspired by and conformable with
the Muhammadan religion. The clericals, on
the other hand, know that, great as their influence is, they can only
keep it by moving with the peopIe, and that opposition
to the popular feeling would seriously damage or even utterly
destroy their power. And so these two parties, in spite of an
occasional divergence of interests or ideals, are compelled to
seek each otherts support.
The Sh~h and the Court Party desired nothing else than
+P148
to restore the old autocracy and the old corruption, and to
effect this were prepared to submit to, nay, even to bring about,
foreign intervention. In spite of the many oaths of fidelity to
the Constitution which Muhammad 'Al' Shah had sworn, his
enmity to the National Assembly was deadly and sTeepless, and
during his short reign manifested itself in a hundred ways.
The plot of ~hich Rahm Khan was the agent has been already
mentioned, and it was soon followed by another for the execution ~of
which the clerical leader Shaykh Fazlutlldh was chosen as
the instrument. This learned ecclesiastic, prompted certainly
by jealousy of his associates' and probably bribed by the Court
Party', retired about the end of June or the beginning of July
to the Shrine of Shah 'Abdu'l-'Azlm, situated a few miles to the south
of Tihran' and commenced a reactionary propaganda,
denouncing the popular leaders as atheists, freethinkers, Bab(s
and the like. On July 3 his "lambs"distinguished themselves
by a cowardly and cruel assault on a certain Mtrza Ibrahim
Khin, former!~, a secretary in the French Legation at Tihran,
who had come out to meet a friend arriving from the South.
He was severely man-handled, and it might have gone ill with
him had he not fortunately been rescued from the hands of his
persecutors by some members of one of the Azarb~y; in t ,z~us"ans.
Assisted by two Siyyids of Yazd, named Muhammad and 'All,
Shaykh Fazlu'llah had contrived to produce certain fr~rged documents
purporting to emanate from the a~umans of Azarbayjan
and the Caucasus, in which occurred various heterodox or
blasphemous expressions calculated to damage their reputations;
and he had also forged letters from the Babt leaders expressing
approval and admiration of various prominent Nationalist
deputies. His agents had succeeded in provoking more or less
serious riots at Anzall, Tabr~z, Kirman, and other places; and"
' see t3~e .5u'?~-z-IsraW for June ~6, 19O7, where an imaginary
conference of the reacUonaries is described. It is there stated tllat
Shaykll 1 azlu~llah received the st~m
of 4s~ooo i~ma7rT fabout ~g,ooo). Some lesser c3erical reactionaries,
such as Akbar Shah, the ra2~sa-kJ~zodn, Siyyid Muhammad and Shaykh
Zaynu~d-Din of zanjan, had made an abortive demonstration against the
Constitution in Muharram IFeb. h~arch, 19071, and had then.retired to
Shah ~Abdu'l-'Azlm, where they ~ormed a reactionary anv=~'an, which, it
is stated, received material support Irom Muhammad 'All Shah.
Shaykh I;azlu'lldl~-i-Nuri
The celel)rated reactionary ~ujtahid wlm u-as han6ed
on Jul) ~ I, 1 9O9
+P149
finally his reactionary activities became so apparent that the
supporters of the Mn'Zis hlduced the ?~`,italcid Siyyid Muhammad
Tabataba'i to write and sign the following document:-
"1h ~lze Na'~e of God ~e Ale~cifut tf~e ~orgiviIg.
'4 I guarantee that if His Reverence HaJji Shaykh Fazlu'llah
should act contrary to the undertakh~g ~vhich he has given,
I will in person expel him from Tihran. Mulla Muhammad
of [mul and Hajji Mirza Lutft.'llah must also go."
"9 Jumada !, A.hr. 1325"(=June zo, 1907~.
The undertaking in question was as follows:-
4' He shall not perform any action contrary or opposed to the
Sacred National Consultative Assembly; he shall not form
a?`J?~,llal~s or pitch tents; he shall everywhere support the
Assembly."
Notwithstanding this, however, Shaykh Fazlu'llah and his
hired myrmidons were destined to give a great deal more
trouble, which culminated in the disturbances of December,
'907, synchronizing with the Shah's attempted colip ]'eta~ of
December ~5.
To the internal troubles with which Persia was distracted,
there ~vere added in the month of August dangers from without.
Russia, which had all along been suspected of aiding and
encouraging the Shah against the National Assembly, and of
supplying him with the money he needed to foment disturbances,
began to warn the Assembly through her Legation that she
could not indefinitely allow the disorders in the provinces.to
continue, and appeared to be seeking a pretext for intervention. Turkey
went still further, and her soldiers actually crossed the N.W. frontier,
invaded Persian territory and occupied a number
of towns and districts which undoubtedly belonged to Persia.
Margawar was occupied on Aug 3, and three days later
Urmiya was threatened by an array of 6,ooo Turkish soldiers
uith artillery, while a Persian force sent to chastise the unruly Kurds
was defeated by the Ottoman troops. The hostility of
both Russia and Turkey is easily explicable by the detestation
in which all popular and representative institutions and all
+P150
really constitutional forms of government are held by the
Russian and were at that time held by the Turkish ruling
classes, which desired nothing less than the establishment of
a free and democratic Parliament in Persia. And even England,
from which Persia had hitherto received sympathy at least,
if not active help and encouragement, was now known to be
engaged in an attempt (unhappily, as it proved, a successful
attempt) to come to terms with Russia in the l~ope (a vain hope, as many
of those who have most closely studied the question
believe) of safeguarding her own interests in Asia.
Meanwhile the need for money became ever more urgent, for
disorders were rampant, especially in Fars, Gilan, and Azarbayjan; the
troops were few and ill paid, or not paid at all;
the revenues were coming in slowly and irregularly; many
governorships were vacant because few of the old governing
class cared to take them, r~ow that a stop had been put to illicit
extortions; the enemy was within the gates; and the Persian
Geueral and Commissioner, the ~arma'?~-/ar'?la, who had been
sent to remonstrate, and, if possible, negotiate with the Turks, was
isolated and surrounded. The National Bank Scheme had
failed; the proposed Germarn Ioan had fallen through, owing to
the unfavourable report of the German banker sent to investigate the
practicability of the scheme; and the people remained
invincibly opposed to another Russian loan. Yet this last was
stir] the object towards which the A??I/?p~c~s-sI`ita~n continued to w
ork, and, by means of his inexhaustible patience and rare
powers of persuasion, he had almost succeeded in obtaining
a majority in the Assembly, when, on August 3 ~-the very
day on which the ill-omened Anglo-Russian Agreement was
signecl at St Petersburg-he was shot as he was Jeaving the
13ah~iristan in the company of Siyyid 'Abdu'llah Bahbahanl by
a young banker of Azarbayjan, a member of one of the any'`mans
or political societies, named ~Abbas Aqa, ~vho immediately
afterwards shot himseEf, after stabbing a soldier who tried to
arrest him. The A?Ji~?~,s-s~c~ta?f was lifted from the ground
where he lay, wrapped in his cloak, and driven to his town
residence, where he died about half an hour later. On the
body of the assassin were found four capsules of strychnine, a
'Abbes A~a of rabriz ("Fida'i No. 4~"),
who shot the ~4~`f?`u's.5~`u first and himself akerwards on
August 31, ~go7
+P151
piece of lunar caustic and a paper bearing the inscription:
' 'Abbes Aqa, banker, of Azarbayjan, member of the A?`yi~man,
nationalJ[d4'/ No. 4r."It did not appear to which anj~man he
belonged, but the ominous re-appearance of the term id~'f
`"self-devoted "), originally applied to the assassins who wrought the
behests of the "Old Man of the Mountain," and the fact
that this one al~jKffla?' numbered at least forty other members
ready to purchase a life for a life, could not fail to cause a deep
impression 3.
Of course the assassination of this powerful and ambitious
minister produced a great effect on men's minds. "The chief
event of the last few months," writes a correspondent in a letter dated
Dec. 5, rgo7, "was the murder of the Atabak, which was
the turning-point of the liberation movement. It showed that
this was no child's play, that there was a grim determination
somewhere, that Persians were ready to remove any Minister
whom they believed to be plotting against their newly-won
liberties. I am loath ever to approve of political assassination, but
it is impossible not to recognize the immense good this
murder did to the Reform Movement. Since then no one has
dared to oppose the MaJlis openly, and that Assembly has at
last been able to achieve some useful work "At first, indeed,
some horror was expressed by the Persian newspapers at this
act of violence, but subsequently and more especially when
the contents of the Anglo-Russian Agreement became known,
popular sentiment veered strongly towards the assassin' and
'Abbes Aqa was venerated as a patriot who had given his life to
rid his country of a traitor. On the fortieth day after his death,
'Alohas `4qa's grave was visited by crowds of persons who
wished to do honour to his memory, and speeches praising his
action and holding him up to admiration were delivered over
his tosrtb. The following account of these celebrations is from
No. ~35 of the ~atln'l-Mal~, dated October 8, rgo7, pp. 5-6:-
Every day and every hour acts and achievements are
witnessed on the part of this noble and newly-awakened people
Accounts of the assassination are given in No. 56 of the 'isa-yi- Wa~sn,
No. 106 of the I/allntf-~ta~f?, and No. I: of the S`r-i-~'s~dJa.
+P152
which overwhelm the world with amazement, indicate the
delicate perceptions of this race, and afford eloquent testimony to the
extent of their appreciation of virtue and merit. I he
denizens of the whole world are filled with astonishment as to
whence and by what teaching this nation has in so short a space
of time travelled such a distance as other peoples have not been able
to accomplish in a whole generation. We can only assume
that spiritual help and divine inspiration continually support
and aid them, and that they are the object of special regard
to His Holiness the Imam bf the Age.
The proof of this statement is what happened on Sunday
the 27th of Sl~a'ban [= 0ct. 6, ~go7], which indicates their
sentiments and their alertness, proves their perfect patriotism
and devotion to their cou"try, and makes it clear to all that
this nation appreciates its ~d~i'zs [those ~vho sacrifice themselves
for it], and assigns to each his proper rank and station. On
that day the spirit of the late ~Abb~s Aq] was gazing down
with all joy and love upon his people, gladly accepting the
handfulls of flowers u~hich the!, strewed upon his grave, contemplating
with joyful gaze the vast multitude which hastened
headlong towards him, and uttering his thanks with words
inaudible.
"Yea, every one who lays doivn his dear life for the salvation
of his people and his Country's cause, and spends the coin of
his existence for the ransom of the Nation and the Constitution, ought
to be respected by his countrymen with a respect exceeding that due to
their own spirits and bodies, and to be
regarded as an evident Proof of God's Mercy.
"Jn truth, as a consequence of the blow struck by this brave
youth, such a change has been wrought in the course of affairs
in this Kingdom as could no~ have been accomplished by several
millions of money or by fifty thousand soldiers. The Fundamental Law has
been connpleted'; pickets have been set to
watch the hypocrites ~vho have occupied the Holy Shrble', ancl
~ The 1O7 additional articles were sig,ed on the day preceding the
issue of this number, vsz. Oct. 7, rgo7.
~ Allusion is made to the abolre-mentioned Shaykh Farlutllah and his
roilo~ers who retired to the Shrine Or Shih 'Abdu'l-'Azim. see pp. 14~9,
sUIra.
+P153
who have now withdrawn, baffled and disappointed, to the
rccesscs of their hovels; all the towns of the interior are
relatively safe and tranquil; all the nobles and barons have
become constitutionalists and loyal servants, and have sworn
the most solemn oaths of fidelity'; the National Assembly
enjoys internal order, the Deputies are disciplined, the power
of the disloyal is broken.
8'It w-as decided to celebrate the fortieth day [of 'Abbes
Aqas death] on the above-mentioned Sunday. Most of the
shops were closed, and' the people, on foot and on horseback,
flocked in crowds to the tomb, bearing flowers and sweet herbs.
So crowded was the plain that there was scarcely room to pass.
The number of those assembled was estimated at ~oo,ooo. eAII
the a~`yz`'nans and most of the students and school-children
came in groups. Tents were erected and tea, coffee and other
refreshments were freely offered by generous patriots. Companies of men
beating their breasts recited soul-stirring verses.
Eloquent orators and sweet-voiced poets made speeches or
recited solemn elegies; while trays of sweet-meats exceeding
computation were distributed gratuitously. In short, such zeal
and enthusiasm were displayed by the people as were calculated
to serve as an example to all nations. The Shuj]`u's-SaRana
also brought with him in his carriage a great bouquet of flowers, which
he laid on that honoured grave.
For the moment we will content ourselves with the above
brief description of the event, and of the many verses composed
for the occasion will only cite the following few lines from an
elegy composed by His Reverence the [akhru'l- Wa~zzi~z ('Pride
of Preachers'):-
This alludes lio the event of Oct. I, ~hen the reactionary Court Party,
headed by the Shah's cousin the oc'd~'a'-Dazula, attended the Assembly
in a body and swore to be [aithful to the Constitution.
+P154
The Am~zu's Su~an had, as we have seen, long been regarded
w~th suspicion by his countrymen as one ready to sell his native land
into foreign i~ondage, but the immediate cause of his death was the
discovery by the a~'mans of certain treasonable
documents ostensibly emanating from him, and addressed to
reactionaries in the provinces, inviting them to take action
conducive to the overthrow 0E the Assembly. But it was darkly
hinted that the real author of these incriminating documents
was, not the Am~n's-S'`It~z1~, but his rival and foe the Sa'dn'd-Da~~ia,
who `vas playing a double game, and was in close
~ Sikandar (AIexander the Great) is supposed by the Muslims to have kept
back the savage hordes of Gog and Magog from devastating the world by
building the Great Wall of China, which they therefore call Sadd-i-
SiJ,andar, "the Rampart of Alexander."
2 io make the chroncgram I have had to change the sense of this last
dine. In the original it is: "A man with a six-shooter reviviSed a v,-
orld."
+P155
relations with the Court on the one hand, and the anjumans
on the other.1
The death of the Am~nu's-SuRan was the sign for the
resignation of his Cabinet and of the President (Sanfu'd-
lPawla), and the wily Sa'~u'd-Dazvla, a persona "rata alike to the Shah
and to the Russian Legation, attempted to form a new
Cabinet composed of creatures of the Court. Against this
attempt, however, the Assembly revolted, and on Sept. ~o chose
as their new President the ~tishAm~'s-Sabana. Three days later
Nasru'llah Khan Mushiru'~-lOawla, formerly Prime Minister,
who had been invited and had refused to co-operate with
Sa'dn'd-Dawla, died suddenly under most suspicious circumstances. On the
same day Sa'd'~'d-Dawf~a was appointed
Minister for Foreign Aflairs, and for almost a fortnight the
forces of reaction seemed to be in the ascendant. But soon even
the Court Party began to realize that the Assembly was too
strong for them, and urged the Shah to become reconciled to
the leaders of a movement which he could not resist, with the
result already noticed, that on October ~ the Princes of the Blood and
Nobles of the Court waited on the Assembly and swore
an oath of allegiance to the Constitution. Next day Se'd~'d-
17a2e,1iz resigned, or was dismissed, and before the end of
October a new Cabinet had been formed under the presidency
of the ~dsiru'l-fl~fk. This Cabinet included the new
Mz~sJliru'd-Dawla as Minister of Foreign Affairs, Sa1~z~u'd-Dawla,
Mu'ta7'iin2`'l-Atu~z and As`'fu'd-Dawla, all of whom, v~ith the
exception of the last, enjoyed the esteem and confidence of the
Constitntional Party.
The Nd.s~r~'J-Mulk's Cabinet remained in office for six or
seven turbulent weeks, finally resigning in the middle of
December, just before the Shah's coup d'~tat of Dec. '5. The
political horizon continued dark as ever: the Anglo-Russian
Agreement, which was not officially communicated to the
Assembly until nearly a month had elapsed from the date of
1 It was e~ren stated on good authority that Muhammad 'Al1 Shah, growing
jealous of the Amf~r`'s-Sultd"'s increashlg influence, issued in his
name the documents which caused his death, and which were designedly
ellowed to (all into the hands of the anj?`mans.
+P156
its ratification, filled the hearts of the Persians with misgivings;
the Turks contillued tlleir adva~,ce in Azarbay~an, occupying
a line of country on the Persian side of the mountain-frontier
extending southwards from Salmas to Margawar through Baradust
and Targawar, and continually extending eastwards;
Turkmans raided the Tihran-Mashhad road as they had been
wont to do in the old days before Russia broke their power and
annexed their country; and more or less serious disturbances
prevailed in Fars, Kirman and elsewhere On Nov. 4 the
~!ctasiM'nus-sa~t~z~a left Tihran for Urmiya, but did not reach
it until Dec. ~z, and did not enter into communications with
Tahir Pasha, the Turkish General, until Dec. ~g.
Towards the end of October the Sh~h's conduct aroused
great suspicion, and inRammatory hararlgucs against him were
delivered h1 some of the mosques, ~vhile a newspaper entitled
R`i/~?I'l-~45 ("the Holy Spirit"), in its issue of Nov. 6, published so
violent and threatening an article against him that it ~vas at once
suspended and proceedings were taken against the editor.
This article, entitled "A Word from the Unseen, or an unambiguous Hint,"
opened with the quotation:-
WiN the breeze, then, ro~zv.~ from me to the ar of Solo~,o,'
A rouns~ ~wierisn is the ~velf-being of ~he king~om?"
"We neither dream of authority," continued the writer, "nor
think of office: we strive with our ,.vhole souls to guard our
native land and protect our fellow-countrymen, nor will we
disregard the duty of uttering the truth. There is a difiference between
subjects and slaves to submit to selfish ambitions is
incumbent on slaves, not on subJects, who are no slaves but free men,
nay, even equal to the Kil~g himself. It is for them to
reward the King's claims for l~is guardianship only when the
King fulfils the duties of such guardianship and shepherdhood.
+P157
`4 jr~ ske~ does ?`o' rxi~f for ~Mc b`~`ciit of ] the Jhephera', lVath`r
~oes ~he s*~er`;f exist for ils servicr~"'
The writer then brieRy reviews the history of Persia, recalling
the names and deeds of Shapur the Sasanian and other
great Kings of Persia, who in their wars and conquests had in
view the security of the lives and property of their subjects.
The decadence which he deplores began, he declares, with the
present Qajar dynasty, but, though territory was lost in the
reigns of Fath-'All Shah and Muhammad Shah (A.D. ~ 797-
~ 848), still Persia remained fairly secure and prosperous'. "But when
the cycle of sovereignty reached Nasiru'd-Din Shah,"
continued the writer, "the leaf was turned back, and the evil
star of the nation was in the ascendant. A gang of pampered,
poor-sl~irited courtiers, bereft of hotlour, encourage`] the autocratic
tendencies of the King, revealed their ingrained baseness
of character, and stretched forth sacrilegious hands against the trust
confided to them by God, to portion out the lives and
possessions of an oppressed nation In order to procure for
themselves parks and carriages and fine houses, they plundered
the people's property like robbers, and sold their homes piecemeal to
foreigners....At length the King of tyrants and the
Chief of traitors', overtaken by the sighs of an oppressed nation, each
became the target for a patriot's bullet."After a few words of praise
for the late Muzaffaru'd-Din Shah, who granted the
Constitution, the writer describes how, since the present Shah
ascended the throne, matters have gone from bad to worse, so
that the people are not only plundered but destroyed, svhile
Persian territory is occupied by foes and oreigners. He recalls
the invasion of Azarbayjan by the Turks and the depredations
there committed by them; and the wrongs and bloodshed
perpetrated by Persian officials, such as the f~ba~'s-Sefta'~a, the
Waeir-i-Ni~im and Jahan-Shah Khan; "until the nation, if it
1 This well-known verse is from the Gulist~n of Sa~dl (Book i, Story :y,
e~l. Platts, p. 39)
~ Aqa Muhammad Khan, the founder of the Qajar dynasty, undertook a
campaign agairst Georgia and captured Tiflis in A.D. Ij95. The
humiliating treaties of Gulistan (Oct. ~o, 18~3) and Turkmanchay (Fete,
~T, 18~8, which Persia was forcecl to conclude with Russia, both fell
in the reign of Fath-'AII Shah (A.D. 179j-~834). 3 Nasiru'd-l)ln Shah
and the ~ ~i'nu's-Sul.ian are meant.
+P158
seeks to save itself from the wolves within the fold, is overtaken by
dogs and wolves from without."
Then he thus addresses the Shah:-"It were well that, after
this orgie of autocracy, thou shouldst somewhat recover thy
senses, open shine eyes, and glance a. thy kingdom and at other
kingdoms. Have all the kings of the world neglected their
duties and proper functions and turned their attention to
butchery? Are all the nations of the world, like the unhappy
nation of Persia, become thralls to the tyranny and selfish
ambitions of their rulers? I know not why all other nations
tend towards prosperity, expansion and increase of numbers,
save only Persia, of which some part each year, nay, each
month, becomes the portion of others, and some souls become
the food of ~volves, while what remains of its prosperity is
turned into desolation."Why, he asl~s, does Muhammad 'All
Shah so hate constitutional government and love absolutism,
when he sees how the free nations, like England and Japan,
prosper, and how the pride of Russian autocracy was humbled.
"Is it not possible, then," he continues, "that the story of Louis the
Sixteenth may be repeated in this kingdom? ~erily God
is ?~ig~lf~ a?'d strong to azrenge:-
ast night 1~e ?was cirea,~rng of plunder and slaz~ghter: z~zs`ea~
himsrif O the ?orroOr' ~uas headec~ss and cr~rsIess and dead.' Does
he not know for certain that from the blood of Fida'/
JVo. 4~ ~ there hath arisen a greater F~a"for a greater task, who waits
to complete the proof? By his royal insight and discen~ment he should
perceive and understand that it is unwise
to play with snakes and vipers, which, des,oite their beautiful
markings and spots, are filled within with deadly poison; and
that it is not expedient privily to confer and take counsel with the
despoilers of this kingdom and the representatiYes of foreign Powers2.
1~or 'the thief loves confusion in the market,' and the 'Ahbas Aqa, u~ho
shot ~he An~l;'z~'r-S`lltdn, as nalTated above, on Aug. 3n See p. '51,
sr~2, third line.
2 A]lc~sion is here made to the private interview~s allege4 to have
take'~ place betueen Muhammad ~Ali
+P159
stranger seeks his own advantage. He must surely understand
that there is no essential difference between the subjects of this state
and of other states, and that their abasement must needs
be changed to glory, but that no rule can endure lo the King in
the face of foreign dominion, under which he will have to
exchange the dream of Empire for the dervish's horn, and the
glory of sovereignty for the misery of subjection. If His
Majesty the King and his family consider it a pride and an
honour to become the attendants and servants of foreigners, we,
the people, deem subjection to such dominion a shame and a
disgrace. Patriotic zeal alone has caused the sceptre to
continue in this family; else the garden of the Constitution,
which has not been watered for two.monthsl, is athirst, and the
time is come for it to be refreshed and regaled by means of that unknown
and unseen Pid~'f who is its guardian, so that flowers
and sweet herbs may blossom therein; or, in other words, the
wise unknown surgeon will remove the gangrenous limb, so that
the remaining members may be saved from that disease.
'Twere best that we should close our lips from speech and
Thw Rook is lost: th~ Pawn adbanfetd stiff:
fJishoA and ~night ~c to the task tvifl brin~:
The f~anicr's JLain-'tis chc~k-'natc to th~ k-ing~t"'
Threats more undisguised than this it would be hard to
frame: that they could be printed and circulated at all in the
Shah's capital shows how embittered the strife had become, and
how acute the crisis. On the one hand we see a King, selfish,
l i.c since the blood of the A'nin"'s-SuCt~n was shed at the end of
August, r90l. All the pieces in the game of Chess are here mentioned;
the King (Sidh), tho (tueen (called arz6` or Waz~r, "the Prinne
SIinister "), the Rook or Caslle (~), the Pawn (Piyd~a), the Bishop
(called Ai, "the Elephant "), and the Knight (Ash "the Horse "~.
+P160
obstinate, headstrong, who, having looked fonvard to enjoying
one day the unrestricted power of his predecessors and indulging in his
turn in their lavish extravagance, suddenly finds
himself checked and thwarted in his aims by a young but
sturdy Parliament, for the destruction Gf which he is willi~,g to pay
any price, even the price of Persia's freedom and independence. On the
other hand we see an ancient and talented
people, long oppressed an d downtrodden, long schooled to
servitude and silence, but now suddenly awakened to new hopes
and conscious of new powers, and resolute not to suffer the cup
of Freedom, as yet hardly tasted, to be dashed from their iips;
a people clearly conscious of the manifold perils overshadowing
them, betrayed by those to whom they had a right to look as
their natural protectors against foreign invasior1, llalf ~nad with
anger and terror, yet resolutely groping their way tllrough the
tr~ple darkness of Anarchy, Bankruptcy, and Chaos towards the
Light which they would fain share with other happier nations.
Can it be wondered at if, their anger growing at each fresh
proof of their King's faithlessness and reckless enmity to the
cause they held so dear' they should be betrayed from time to
time into some action w hich' though we may deplore it, we
cannot unreservedly condennn? To judge fairly the Persia of
to-day, we must think of her as we think of England in the
reign of Charles the First, or of France in the reign of Louis the
Sixteenth, but an England without a Cromwell, a France
without a Danton.
"To understand it"(viz. the above article from the R2ik~'l-
Q`cd~fs), lYrOte the correspondent last quoted, in a letter dated Dec.
5, 1907,~'you shou]d know that it was written a month
a~,o during one of those terrible periods which have occurred
from time to time during the last year, and in which things
look most hopeless-disturbances everywhere, the Shah plotting
against his people, and the people, oppressed with the dread of
the final disaster, mad with indignation against their sovereign, who
prefers to be the king of a nation in foreign bondage rather than the
constitutional mona.rch of a free people. The article,
as you will see, is an open tl~reat against the Shah, a arning
that a similar fate to that of his grandfather and the A'r`~n's
+P161
Stclten is awaiting him, unless he amends his ways. The paper
was suppressed by order of the National Assembly, and the case
of the Editor is sti]1 s7cJo J`~`f~'ce."
It may be added that about the same time that the Ruic~'l-
Q?`dus was threatening the Sh~h, the Hab~'l-Matfn was calling
on the people to arm themselves and be prepared to shed the
last drop of their blood in the defence of their country. These
articles seem to have causecl some alarm amongst the European
residents, who regarded them as the preaching of a Jib~ and a
manifestation of "fanaticism," though they would have called
the same sentiment manifested in themselves in such a time of
national peril by the prettier name of "patriotism."At all
events the popular leaders ~verc far too anxious to give no
excuse for foreign intervention to suffer Europeans to be
molested in any way, and, according to the judgment of the
most competent observers, the Shah owed his personaL safety to
similar considerations.
On Nov. ~z the Sh~h visited the Assembly in state, and for
the fourth time solemnly swore to be faithful to the Constitution,
though at that very moment he was preparing fresh
means for its overthrow. "At the time I write's (Dec. 5, ~907),
says the correspondent just quoted, "one of those periodical
waves of depression is passing over all. A great dread is
walking up and down in men's hearts. The Shah is believed to
be making a supreme effort, to be planning a co~ d'etal against
the Assembly. He has recalled the reactionary Court Minister
of his father, and that worthy has under his command a fair
force of ght~lams. These, with the Cossacks, would suffice to
master the situation in Tibran. But : there are many buts.
Will the Cossacks fire on the people? No one kno`vs. The
May'/is and the countless anju~f~ans, who form a force of public opinion
which it is difficult to overestimate, are not idle. They will stop at
naught to defend the Assembly. The Shah owes
his life to the mere fact that the a~u~nans dread the aftermath
of a royal assassination in these troubled times. As in the past, I
steadily refuse to giYe way to the prevailing depression. God
grant I may be right as in the past!"
Of the co'~ ~e'fat foreshadowed in the above letter ten days
+P162
before it actually happened, rr~y correspondent spoke as follows in
another fetter written on Ncw Ycar's Day of the year tc,o8:-
It was apparent to all that during November things were
approaching a crisis. The Shah was doing his utmost to
destroy the Mayf~s, and the people knew it. Under pressure of
fear, caused by the growing anger of the people, expressed
openly, seditiously, by their preachers and press, the Sh~th went to the
Assembly for the first timer in the beginning of November, and on the
~l`~n took the solemn oath of fidelity to the
Constitution, prescribed in Article 39 of the Constitutionai Law." [This
oath in its entirety runs as follows:-
"1 take God Almighty to witness, and I swear on the
(i~r a?', and by all that is dear to the Creator, that I will
employ all my strengt1 to maintain the integrity and indeperdence of
Persia, and to preserve the territory and the rights
of the Nation; that I wi]l maintain the fundamental articles of
the Constitution and rule conformably to the established laws;
that I will maintain the Sh;4a faith; that I will never forget in my
acts and conduct the presence and control of God Almighty;
and that I will pursue no oth':r aim than the greatness and well-being
of this country. I ask tile Almighty to aid me in the
performance of those services which it is my duty to render to
my people in the way of progress, and I call upon all the holy
saints to aid me."]
"But ~l~is was merely a farce. Surrounded by his unworthy
favourites, Amfr Bahadur Jang, S`;z'.~c'~-~aw~ and others, the
Shah contrived to plot actively against the Assembly. The
storm broke on Dec. ~5, when the Sh.h summoned the Cabinet,
whicl1 h;lt3 alreacly resigul:d [o~1 tlic preceding day], to tl~e
l'alace, and imprisoned Was7.~.'1-~I'`~l, the Premier, in a cell with
chains round his neck~. By the energetic intervention of
the Britis]1 Legation3, jas`'ru.'i-~lI'`iJ: was rescued from tile ~
11~ough, as ~l~entioned a feu lines L"ck, this `~-as the fourlh time
that the Shah had talen the oath, it was the first time he had ~isited
the `~laylts in person. 2 At the same time he arrested .~a'd-.Da-.~fa
and M~~Inu'~f-Davvia, brothers of the ~tfThd',r~'s-Saltaa.
s The news was carried to the British Legation by a faithful servant of
the ~linister, who was warned by some of his acquaintances at the
Palace, as he a~aited his master, that the latter was doomed to die, and
that he would do well to flee :f he Abu'l-~sim Khan ~a.s~ru~l-AIu~
+P163
fate awa~ting him, and escaped to Europe'. On the same day
the hired ruffians of the Sh~h' mostly muleteers, grooms, etc.,
were let loose on the town. They took up their quarters in the
Ma'~dan-i-~4p-~hana (4 Gun-Square'), where tents had been
pitched for them, whence reactionary mullds preached ta them,
incit~ng them against the Assembly, composed, so they said,
of Bib~s, infidels, etc. A detachment of Cossacks was also
stationed in the Maydan, to protect them and the approaches
to the Arg (citadel). The blow can~e as a surprise to the
Assembly, and both it and tlte anyi~ma?`s, taken completely off
their guard, made no resistance on that day. Heaven only
knows what stopped the Sh~h from following up his first co~,
and dealing the decisive blow. Some say that his nerves gave
way ~n the evening. Perhaps it was only a part of the irresolute polecy
of the wretched man. Perhaps, and this seems the true
reason, he could not count on his troops. If the Cossacks had
been reliable, and he had sent an armed force to occupy the
Bah~ristan that night to prevent the deputies from reassembling
there, he might have been for a time master of the
situation in Tihrin. Instead of this he did nothing, and the
precious moment slipped by for ever. On the morrow the
Maylis and the a?,yi~mans recovered from their inaction'. The
bdcdrs were closed and the people Rocked round the Bahirist~n,
rifles were brought out, and soon rifle~nen were scattered over
the roofs and walls of the Bahiristin and in the adjoining
Masjid-i-Sipahsilir, which was connected with the Bah~tristin
by a gate in the wall. The anjumans collected in force and
compelled the Assembly to sit, while they guarded all the
wished to avoid the same fate. Having found Mr George Churchill, tbe
Oriental Secretary, he communicated his fears to him, urged him to
hasten to the Palace without delay, and lent him his own horse. lt
appears that Mr Churchill was only just in time, and it is probable that
when he arrived the Shah himself believed that the Minister was already
dead.
He left for Europe on the following day, Dec. 16.
The defence was well organized, and a leading part in it was taken 'oy
Mfrza Jahangir Khan, editor of the S,Jr-;-lsrdfll, Siyyid Muhammad Riza
of Shlriz, editor of the Alusdzadt, and other men of letters. Four
committees were appointed for the management of affairs, a General
Committee of Control (Iddra-i-Riydsat), a Council of War (l'~ra-i-
Niadn~l), a Committee of Supply and Expenditure (/a~dra-i-Ar~qa zva
`~asdri~, and a Publication Committee (Iddra-i.~4latb4'di).
+P164
approaches. It is typical of this movement that the rallyingpoint of the
people should have been the House of Parliament and the Mosque, standing
side by side. In and around these two buildings gathered the strangest
throng which has ever been seen fighting the old, old battle against the
powers of tyranny and darkness. Europeanized young men with white
collars, white-turbaned m?~las, Siyyids u ith the green and blue
insignia of their holy descent, the [nh~h-?;amadis (feltcapped peasants
and workmen), the l~rown 'abas (cloaks) of the humble trades-folk,-all
in whose hearts glowed the sacred fire gathered there to do battle in
the cause of freedom. ~ho does not instinctively remember Carlyle's
fiery chapter on the Bastille day? 'This day, my sons, ye shall quit you
like men I lly the meln`~ry of your fatllers' wrongs, by the holle of
your children's rights! Tyranny i~npends in red wrath: help for you is
none, if not in your own right hands. This day you must do or die!'
" I hope that 1 do not appear credulous in saying that some such
noble passion fired the hearts of that Persian crowd, gathered there to
defend all that was sacred to them on this earth, the Palace of their
Liberty and the Temple of their God. I am no friend to religion, for to
my mind it is everywhere the natural handmaid of tyranny. But give the
Devil his due: in Persia religion has, by force of circumstances,
perhaps, found itself on the side of I-iberty, and it has not been found
wanting. Seldom has a prouder or a stranger duty fallen to the lot of
any Church than that of leading a democracy in the throes of Revolution.
In the inevitable hour of the downfall of Persia's priesthood, it
l~ehoves us to stand reverently at the graveside, and, forgetting its
many faults, remember only that, at the crisis of the nation's history,
it threw the whole weight of its authority and learning on the side of
liberty and progress, and made possible the regeneration of Persia in
the way of Constitutional Liberty.
" As I said before, the Sh~h missed his chance, and after that
tragic Sunday, his fortune set its face towards decline. His ruffians
migllt dominate the AIayda~f-i-~s-~ha~ra, robbing and murdering, but
their hired velour was not of the stuff to
+P165
induce them to attack the Assembly. Negotiations began between the two
parties, the Shah first trying to impose his terms, but gradually the
tables were turned. On Aqonday, Dec. 16, he sent the head of the Qajar
tribe' to the Majlis to request it to dissolve temporarily and allow the
Shah to restore order. The envoy got a stormy reception. The lion-
hearted ~tisham~'s-Saltana interrupted him in the midst of his
enumeration of the Shah's demands, saying, 'This is not the point at
issue: we have not to discuss this or that course of action: what we
have to ask is this. What is our duty towards that person who has, on
the Holy Qurtan, sworn the most solemn of oaths, and has broken it?'
The 'A~dn'l-Mu~. Iooked uncomfortable, and reminded the ~tisham~'s-
Sahana that he also was a Qajar, and should remember what he owed to the
tribe. The Sh~h then moderated his demands, merely asking for the
expulsion of some of the deputies (Taqi-zada, Mustasharu'd-Dav~ia and
Siyyid Nasru'llah) and the great preachers Siyyid Jamal and Hajji
Maliku'l-Mutakallimin. But he soon had to give way all along the line.
The news got to the provinces: Tabriz; Rasht, Qazwin, Mashhad, Isfahan
and Kirman...telegraphed to the Mey~s, notifying their solidarity with
the popular cause. Tabriz went further, and telegraphed to the 11laj~is
and to all the foreign Legations, declaring that it no longer considered
worthy to rule over Muslims a man who had broken an oath sworn on the
Qur'an, and asking that he might be deposed and a successor appointed.
It also sent telegrams to all the Shah's courtiers and servants, and to
the Azarbayjan regiments in Tihran, to the effect that if they raised
a hand against the Constitution, their houses in Tabriz and Azarbayjan
would be burned to the ground, and their wives and children put to the
sword. Then followed more solid offers of assistance, namely of armed
contingents. In fact several hundred armed m'~J~id~'n'
I The aged 'Azudu'l-Mull, now Regent.
~ i.~. persons who undertake a jiidd, or Sacred War. I shall
allude in a later chapter to the extraordinary manner in which the
Special Correspondent of the ~imer at Tibran confused the terms muidhid
(fromJiddd, "a striving or fighting in a holy cause ") and muJtahid
(from ijtiAda!, "a striving to apprehend the ultimate bases of religious
belief"~. To talk, as he did (~im~ of Oct. Il and l~, r90~} ahout the
"ir`Jtahids (instead of the muJdhi~) being disarmed is as though in
English one should talk of the chaplains (instead of the captains) being
deprived of their swords. 166
+P166
of Qazwin' have arrived in Tihr;in, in spite of the efforts of the
Assembly to keep tllem back. One thousand horsemen from
TabrIz are no`v on their way to Tihrdn, and will with difficulty be
turned back. The Shatt was forced to give way, and peace
was patc~ted up between the two part~es. The Sh~ah agreed to
exile Sa'du'd-lawla, dismiss Amtr Bahadur Jang from all offices
except that of chief of his body-guard, punish the ~ff52 guilty
o.f outrages in the Maydan-i-Tup-khana, bring the Cossack
Brigade and the Household troops under the Ministry of War,
and send a sealed Qurtan to the M`zylis with solemn oath to
observe the Constitution; ~Yas~rn'l-Mulk to be gi~en complete
liberty of movement, 'Al~itfc'd-Dawla and M~"nn'd-Dazuia to
be recalled, etc. Peace has thus been made, but is felt to be a
hollow truce. [here is no longer any hope of the Assembly's
trusting the Shah~ and the only end `vould seem to be the
abdication or violent deposition of MuhammaD 'Ali Mirza,3 as
many of the telegrams from the provinces styled him!
"Many points of this drama will be apparent to the eye of
history which we no~.v, in too close connection with it, do but
dimly perceive. One thing it has strewn beyond all doubt, viz.
that tlie constitutional tUea has taken firm hold of the whole
people of Northern Persia. I am always fearful of letting my
keen sympathies for the Persian people lead me into error, and
I wish, therefore, to avoid all exaggeration. The people did not
actually have to stand the shock of armed force, so that we
cannot say how they would have acquitted themselves in that
supreme trial. But this much we can say. The people of
Tihran and of all Northerrl Persia shewed that they would
not give aNvay their liberties "ithout a struggle. No one a
' These nrz~yab`~r', or ~ational Volunteers, Of Oa~v~in were
con~mandcd by Mizza ilas~n .9iay~h",J-'sJa~^r; qaz~ini' whose lieutenant
uas a young n~an narr~ed Mirza Gha~r ICban. The latter arri~ed ~s a
rugitive in Cambridge a litt]e while after the ~ot`, er`7at of June '3,
r908, almost without money or clothes, and kno~ing bardly a word or any
l~mopean lanuage. ne h ~d the a~ldress of bis co`'sin,
who resides l~ere, written do"n on a piece of p~per, aud on his arrival
in Lon on be placed this paper and his purse in Ihe hands of ane
policeman after another ~having heard of the~r honesty and
helpfulness to strangers), each of whom set him a stage fi'rther on h~s
Journey. ~ Roughs.
3 i.r, f~rincr instead of.~i~ Muhamcnad 'Ali.
hIirz`i Ghaffar of Qazwin
One of the ~ll~ydhidr`' or National Volunteers
+P167
year ago would have said that men from Qazwin and Tabriz would leave
their homes and hasten to the capital to defend what they professed to
hold dear. No one would have believed that the people of Tibrin would
have stood their ground against the armed force of the Shah, or that,
in the face of such grave danger, the people would be as one man in
defending the cause of the Constitution. No one who saw those riflemen
scattered over the roofs, those crowds sitting in the Mosque, with
rifles uncler their 'abas, listening to the eloquence of H;ijji
Maliku'lMutakallimln and Siyyid Jam;il, could have doubted that they
were ready even to die for this cause, which Europe affects to treat as
en ' immerse blague.' Providence did not put them to the final test, but
I am sure they would not have been found wanting. Much progress has been
made in this year. Taq[zada said in his beautiful speech, thanking the
people after it was all over, 'Let us be thankful to-night that the
curtain which went up last Sunday is now coming down on the scene, and
in truth it has been a tragic and historic scene. We had, and still
have, complete confidence in the people.... But now let us take leave
of this scene.... We had forgotten a word of the E~rophet, namely, that
" ~e Hand of God is w~th the mu~irude"'. And, glory be to God, we have
seen that the union of the people made the whole world tremble. Now I
will remind the people that a year ago they had not one by one this
strength, and were under the yoke of tyranny and despotism. But from the
thne that they gave each other the hand and united, they have seized
their rights; and we hope that this unity may last until the coming of
the Twelfth Imam (may God hasten his glad advent!).' (Remark this quaint
touch at the end of this so western speech. It may not inaptly be
compared to the cock which Socrates ordered his disciples to sacrifice
on the day of his death.)
" The anjz~mans were the cause of the victory. They had drawn the
people together and united them in one common cause, and had organized
their strength to such an extent that
+P168
in the day of trial tyranny found, to its surprise, a united front
against it. "I must refer to one other feature of the crisis. In the
whole of Northern Persia, while the sovereign and his people were in
open war and the capital was divided into two armed camps, not a single
European was touched. This was no mere chance, but a set purpose of the
popular party, who would not give any excuse {or intervention-and this
is an Oriental country, a Musalman country, an ~uncivilized' (?)
country! Can Europe furnish a similar example of such stern
selfrestraint ?
"Fanaticism is dead in Persia. The reactionary '~ullas, with
Shaykh Fazlu'llah at their head, raised the cry of 'llablism,"
Islam in danger," Infidels,' etc., etc, but their appeals to the popular
fanaticism fell on deaf ears. Of a truth much progress has been made in
this year. Given another year, who can
prophesy what further progress will be made ? To-day the
people were ready (I an purposely understating the case) to
put themselves to grave inconvenience and danger. In another
year, they may be ready to die for the Fatherland, even as the
'canaille ' in France, who routed the chivalry of Europe at --
Valmy. Therc is no~v i'1 l~ersia that wllicll can make her live: of this
I am certain. It matters little how the object is - attained, whether
by the help of a dictator, or by the slow, l
ceaseless efforts of a Parliament. f ran is alive, and I do not
believe that she is destined to die. However hopeless the
situation may seem, we mus~ always count somewhat on the
unexpected when we are dealing with democracy, especially
a democracy in revolution. The Hand of God ~s with the
`~Itit7`a'e.'
"Well, I must now close this voluminous budget. I fear I have told
you little, but perhaps even this imperfect sketch will give you some
idea of the crisis through which wc are now passing, thougll I haYe
perhaps told the story with my heart, not my head. I will excuse
myself with Taq~-zada's beautiful words in his speech on
the Sc'lar-i-Al``fakJ2k~ and the prisoners sold by him to the
Turkmal~s. That excitement which appears in the people is inspired
~lOt by reason but by love.... Some say
+P169
that we should act in accordance with reason, but I say that in such
matters our action should be inspired by love."'
Through the kindness of another friend at Tihran, two
curious Persian documents belonging, apparently, to this period
(they were enclosecl in a letter dated Jan. ~, ~908) lie before me. The
first is a warning to the Shah, emanating, I presume, from one of the
a?`jul~ze~ls, and its translation is as follows:-
"WARNING.
"His Imperial Majesty has apparentty forgotten that his accession to
the Crown and Throne ~vas heralded by nothing more than a telegram of
two lines to summon him [to the capital] and five mounted men, and that
he was not born by his motller possessed of crown and signet-ring, nor
does he hold in his hand a warrant of absolute sovereignty from the
L'nseen World of Spirits. Assuredly if he had but reflected for a moment
that this sovereignty depends only on the acceptance or rejection of
the People, and that those who have elected him to this high
position and acknowledged him [as King] are able also to elect another
[in his place], he would never have swerved aside to this extent from
the straight PatlZ of Justice and the requirements of
constitutional monarchy. Yet perhaps he has deigned to give full
consideration to the matters above mentioned, but is confident in the
erroneous opinion that the people are still unaware of this their right
to dismiss and to elect.
"We, well-wishers to this kingdom and nation, guardians of the honour
of Church and State, and protectors of the Crown and Throne of
Sovereignty, do most respectfully submit this our last representation,
whereby we divest ourselves, our nation, and our administration
of all further responsibility, in order that henceforth we may not be
accused by other nations of discourtesy or shamelessness.
"Let the ambassadors and ministers of friendly states, who are present
in this capital, and have beheld the events which have taken place in
this city, bear ~vitness and give testimony as to how grievous are the
affairs of this noble nation, and how near to the bone the
knife has reached!
"he [God] is ~J~e ,4ve~zger, '{e Exal~ed one!',
+P170
The second document purports to be an account written by
Muhammad ~AIf's ex-tutor, the notorious Russian few, Shapsllal Khan, for
one of his Russian friends, of the jewels and other valuables on the
security of which the Shah ~vas able to raise money from the Russian
Bank1 in order to pay his hired myrmidons to create the riot described
above. "The list of the things deposited in pawn in the Russian Loan
Bank in Tibran, by the intervention of Shapshal Khan, on behalf of FIis
Majesty the Court Jester (~?i~f-b~shI) in order to borrow the sum of
60,000 tumans, to be spent on entertainment and drink for, and other
expenses connected with, his hired ruffians, and to be divided amongst
several
godless ecclesiastics, in order to destroy the foundations of
the Sacred Consultative Assembly, is as follows:-
"On the personal insignia and orders of His Majesty, 5,000 tumans.
"On the pendant of Her Majesty the Queen of the World
and Empress of Persia, 20,000 tumans.
"Three pearl rosaries, per the Keeper of the Privy Purse,
'Adlu's-Saltana, 20,300 tumans.
"Three or four other pieces of jewelry, 15,000 tumans.
"Total, 60,000 tumans (= about 12,000).
"You must know also that after telegraphic consultations lasting from
ten to twenty days, and much loss of self-respect and violation of the
honour and dignity of Persia in the eyes of the Bank, the Manager of
the Bank, and the Russian Minister, and a thousand statements unworthy
of consideration on the part of the five-thousand-year-old sovereignty
of l'ersia, the Russians were compelled to agree to accept the Queen of
Persia's bodice, and lend to His Majesty Muhammad 'Ali Shah the sum in
question.
" Shapshal Khan likewise added in the course of conversation that on
the second day, w hen the progress of events in the Maydan-~- T~;p ~ana
(Artillery Square) had begun to halt, and
1 As wili be set forth ~n Ch. XI it appeared, when Muhammad 'slits
financial obligations c:~'ne to be investigated after his deposhion,
th:lt he v~as indebted to the Russian Ba'~k to the extent of 300,00o,
though unhapp~ly the purposes to which this loan WAS applied are not
specified.
+P171
the money was all ready at the Bank, and it had been settled that we
should take the three pearl rosaries with 'Aa'b`'s-' Saltane, and
receive the sum of zo,000 tdmans, on that day 'Ad~'s-Salta,~a kept me
waiting, and did not appear, and it ~vanted but little that he should
disgrace me before the staff of the Bank.
"This is a true copy of the Report of this Russian, and this
is the full-length portrait of our present sovereign, which faithfully
pourtrays to us the dishonourable means whereby the five-thousand-year-
old sovereignty of Persia acquires money, and in what discreditable and
disgraceful ways it spends it."
+P172
CHAPTER VI.
THE ANGLO-RUSSIAN AGREEMENT AS SEEN THROUGH
PERSIAN EYES.
THE Anglo-Russian Agreement concluded on August 3 I, '~o7, has been
only mentioned incidentally in the last chapter, where a ful]er
discussion of its scope would have interrupted the sequence of events.
In brief it dealt with three countries of Asia which had long been
the field of Anglo-Russian rivalries, to wit, Tibet, Afghanistan, and
Persia. Its object was, so far as possible, to put an end to
those rivalries, and establish a friendly understanding between
li:ngland and Russia in regard to several questions which had in the
past led to considerable friction between the two countries, and had at
least once' brought them to the verge of ~var. The hupe that
this desirable result had at length been obtained caused the Agreement
to be received with a considerable show of enthusiasm in
both countries, though naturally there was a minority on either side
who grumbled at an arrangement whereb~', as they maintained, their
country had giYen up more than it had gained.
In England the Agreement, though hailed as a triumph of statesmanship
even by the leaders of the Opposition, was sharply criticized i~y some
politicians, such as Lord Curzon and Mr H. 1~. 13. Lynch, who were well
acquainted with Persian affairs. But this criticism was, as a rule,
directed not so much against the way in which Persia's fate appeared to
have been settled, without consulting her feelirl~s, as against the
potential division of her lands between her two
great neighbours which seemed to be foreshadowed. The Agreement was
criticized not on the ground of its essential immorality, but on the
ground that
~ On the occasion of the " Panj-dih Incident."
[MAP - FILL THIS IN LATER]
+P173
England had got the worst of the bargain. Mr Lynch, however, in a very
eloquent speech, which he was unable to deliver in its entirety in the
House of Commons on February ~4, 1908, but which was afterwards
published in full in the Imperzal a Asiatic Quarlerly f~evie~w for the
following April, dealt ~vith both aspects of the Agreement. Speaking of
his own work in Persia he said, " Of the three roads which my friends
and myself have constructed in Persia, covering hundreds of miles, the
two right honourable gentlemen in front of me have placed two-those from
Qum to Tihran, with right of extension to Isfahan, and
from Qum to Sultanabad-bodily in the Russian sphere; while as regards
the third, the road across the Bal;htiyari Mountains from Ahwaz on the
Karun River to Isfahan they have treated Isfahan, the terminus of the
road, in the same way. Any further facilities on these arteries of
traffic we shall, I presume, be obliged to obtain through the Russian
Government or ``ith their consent." But he touched a nobler note when
he came to discuss the effect of the Agreement on the people of Persia-
" not the grandees and the reactionaries, who may have profted by the
Anglo-Russian rivalry, but the leaders of the reform n~ovement, and the
men who are engaged in pouring new wine into the musty old
bottles of Persian absolutism. This aspect of the Convention is a
Liberal interest, and I think I shall be able to shew that it is also
a British interest, perhaps the greatest of the British interests which
are touched by the Convention." And after a masterly attack on the
Agreement from both points of view, he. concluded as follows:- "Let
us hope that this convention may lead to better relations with Russia,
and that she may realize and respect the substantial grounds for our
fears. I am afraid that it can scarcely tend to improve our
relations with Persia. Persia is the ghost at the feast which we are
celebrating with Russia in honour of this Convention. While the feasting
is in progress and the toasts are being exchanged,
this small natio'i-which has contributed so much to the artistic and
intellectual wealth of the world, and whose prospects looked at least
promising before this Convention was signed-is lying between ]ife and
death, parcelled out, almost dismembered, helpless and friendless at our
feet."
+P174
That the Anglo-Russian Agreement, in so far as it affected Persia,
was tantamount to a p;lrtition of that unfortunate country seems to have
been at first the general impression, not only in Persia
(when,after considerable delay, the contents of the Agreement became
known), but also in England, and the cartoon which appeared in P7~nc~
on October 2' ~907, fairly represented this impression. The British lion
and the Russian bear are represented as mauling between them an
unhaypy Persian cat, and the lion is saying, " You can play with his
head, and I can play with his tail, and we can both stroke the small of
his back," while the poor cat moans, " I don't remember having been
consulted about this!"
Great Britain, owing to the shelter which her Legation had given to
the '4,000 or ~s,000 refuE:ccs in the summer of 1906, and the
consequent granting of the Constitution by Muzaffaru'dDin
Sh;ah, enjoyed unbounded popularity amongst the party of reform, until
it began to transpire that she was engaged in negotiations with
Kussia which dealt, amongst other matters'with Persia. Suspicion was at
once aroused, for, as the Persians say, " enemies are of three sorts,
enemies, the enemies of friends, and the friends of enemies." Russia,
the home of unbridled despotism, the ancient foe of liberty in all its
forms, the destroyer of so many once free nations, was
regarded by the Constitutionalists as their most deadly enemy, and if
England sought to make friends with her, how could she be regarded any
longer as a trustworthy friend ? And so suspicion grew, as more
information leaked out as to the progress and nature of the Agreement,
until it deepened into a hostility all the more bitter on account of the
disappointment of those who hoped to find in England a
powerful and sympathetic friend, if not an active supporter of
the liberal n~ovement, whicll owed so much to her example and her
countenance. It is desirable that Eng]ishmen should have before the~n
the means of judging the effect of the Agreement on l'ersian
lJublic opinion-for since the growth of a [rce l'ress such opinion had
come into existence where a few years ago no such thing
existed-and therefore I shall here translate in full a series of leading
articles on this subject published in the I~'1Mat',' in
September, '907. The first article of this series began
+P175
in No. ~ ~ ~ of that important journal on September 9, before the
contents of the Agreement were known, and is as follows:-
"2 pro,~os of the A~`gio-Russtan ~greement.
" For more than two years the question of an understanding between
Russia and England in Asia has been the subject of discussion
and consideration in political circles and newspapers, that is to say,
ever since Russia sustained her disgraceful defeat in the Far East, in
consequence of which she turned in despair from that
quarter, incidentally convinced that England had arranged these tricks
and troubles in Manchuria and China, and that, being no longer
able, single-handed, in face of the pecuniary losses which shc had
sustained, to work alone, it was to her advantage to come to
an understanding with England.
" Every one knows that England's favourite policy in other countries
is to produce some extraordinary excitement and preoccupation which
shall fully occupy those countries with their own affairs and prevent
them from pursuing more ambitious schemes. Thus in recent years she has
kept the Ottoman Empire so busy with its own troubles that the statesmen
of that Power have been distracted with worry. First there was the war
with Greece, and all the military preparations and operations which it
involved; then the Armenian agitation and other internal troubles; then
the Cretan affair; then the war with the Arabs in Yaman; then the
Macedonian and Balkan questions. And while Turkey was thus
preoccupied, England was enabled to fix her claws more firmly in Egypt,
trample under foot the right of the Sultan, subdue
the seventeen million inhabitants of the Sudan and take possession of
its spacious cities, kill 'Abdu'llah Ta'ayish;, the Khalifa of the
pretended Mahdi, utterly defeat his army, seize his kingdom and plant
the British flag in those lands. And it is'clear that had not the Sultan
of Turkey been confronted by such internal difficulties, he would not
have been contcut to remain so quiet, or to disregard his
established and admitted rights.
"Of a similar policy did Great Britain make use in her dealings ~ith
Russia. First shc stirred up tl~e war in the Far East, which caused
Russia an infinity of trouble and distress;
+P176
then, by whatever means, she turned the thoughts of the Russian
people towards freedom, sc' that no sooner was Kussia re~eased from her
war with Japan than she was confronted with a revolution at home, during
which, ere her rival was aware of it, England had firmly established
her power and influence in Tibet.
"So again in the case of Persia, England kindled in the Persians an
enthusiasm for a constitution, the formation of a National
Assembly, liberty, and the like, and so secured for herself a field free
from rivals wherein she might direct her course as she pleased. "In
the midst of this hocus-pocus), however, there intruded
itself one disagreeable incident, which, quite unexpected by
England, suddenly disclosed itself, viz. the Indian revolution, and the
ideas which had begun to germinate in the brains of the Indians since
they heard the news of what was happening in Russia and
Persia,whereby they were somewhat awakened from their secular slumber,
and began to demand the rights which they had lost. Now it is evident
that these ideas may lead to a result highly distasteful to the English,
just as the inhabitants of the Transvaal, so soon as they awoke, caused
the British Empire endless trouble, inflicted on it heavy losses both
in money and life, and disturbed the peaceful repose e~lioyed by British
statesmen for several years, u~ltil finally they succeeded in securing
the formation of a Chamber of Deputies, so that now, although they are
nominally British subjects, it is evident that from their subjection ilO
aclvantage or profit accrues to the English, since they will neither
give them their wealth nor aid them h1 time of distress, so that their
subjection is a mere name not connoting any reality, though the English
are perforce compelled to content
themselves with this.
"Let us not, however, stray from our subject. The longer watchful
States live, the more their experience and knowledge grows, and the more
they profit by their former mistakes, against the rccurrcnce of w}licl'
h~ the future they secl; to guard themselves. At the beginning of the
last century the Powers of Europe persistently oppc.sed and thwarted one
another, and
~ f.la7sa-baysa.
+P177
were constantly engaged in strife and contention, as is exemplified by
the Napoleonic wars with England and Russia~and other similar wars
between the different States. Thereby for the most part they sustained
loss both material and more], and were injured
rather than benefited.
" The first country which appreciated this fact was England,
which consequently ceased to make war against strong States and
substituted a kind of political warfare, advancing her interests chiefly
by skilful diplomacy. Gradually other countries also apprehended this
policy, andJ laying aside sword and gun, adopted in their place the pen
and the tongue, confining their rivalries to diplomatic
juggling and intrigues'. Lately France has apprehended the important
truth that rivalry conduces to loss, since for years England and France
have been busy in increasing their influence in Egypt and the Sudan on
the one hand and Morocco on the other, with no result but
mutual embarrassment which prevented the efforts of either from bearing
fruit. For fear of France, England could not subdue Egypt, while, for
fear of England, France could achieve no notable success in Morocco. So
at last M. Delcasse started this idea of a rap,~roc~ement, telling both
sides that, if matters continued as they were, for another century
England would derive no benefit from Egypt nor France from Morocco,
while both would be compelled to expend large sums every year in
guarding against one another, France in bribing a number of the
leading men, 'nta?nd and newspapers of Egypt to support her in
opposing the English, and, vice vers3, the English pursuing a similar
course in Morocco, while there always remained a possibility that while
both sides uere preoccupied with this rivalry, some event might
llappen which would leave the heads of both hatless, such as that the
Egyptians might suddenly develop like the Japanese. 'So,' said he, 'it
is better that we should confer together in a sensible
manner, settle these questions in a brotherly fashion, and make a just
clivision of the disputed territories, after which each may set
about subjugating his own share, free from anxiety as to the action of
the other, and refrain from interfering with the other.' Thus Egypt and
the Sudan were assigned to the
~ G``rba-ra~sl, " making the cats dance.',
+P178
English and Morocco to the French, and by a fortunate coincidence an
event happened at this juncture which served greatly to strengthen the
bonds of union on both sides, and shewed them how advantageous to them
both was this Convention and its loyal observance. This event
was Germany's championship of Morocco; for it is certain that, had this
Convention not been made, as soon as Germany intervened, England would
also have had a finger in tl~e matter,and France would have been checked
in her schemes of conquest. ~7z reva7zcte, France would
not have remained inactive, and would have done the same in Egypt, so
that both nations would have remained portionless.
"Meanwhile the French told the Russians, who were their allies and
confederates, that their tortuous diplomacy was not to their advantage,
and that their policy should rather be to come to
friendly terms with England. The English, too, were praying for this,
and thus it was that both were well inclined towards one another. The
idea was first whispered in a veiled manner, the Press on both sides
setting forth the virtues of such an understanding, which gradually took
definite form, until about a month ago telegraphic information reached
us that, in the height of the hot weather, when most
government offices are taking-holiday, and most people have gone into
the country, the 13ritish Ambassador and the Russian Minister for
Foreign Affairs ~vere still in town, energetically sifting the matters
to be dealt with in the Agreement, of which the most important portion
bore reference to their dealings with Persia, while the remaining
clauses had been already settled and done with, though the Persian
question was still the subject of serious d~scussions. Incidentally
hopes were expressed that by the beginning of autumn all the provisions
of the Agreement would be settled, and that it would be duly signed by
both parties. The interest in Persia manifested by Germany,
and the concession obtained by her for the formation of a German Eastern
Bank, increased the eagerness on both sicles, since they knew that if
mucll more time were wasted in discussion, a powerful rival would appear
on the scene, and that France would then of necessity be
involved, whereby the matter would be rendered difficult, and could no
longer be regarded as concerning these two [i.e. E ngland
and Russia] only."
+P179
The second article of the series appeared in the next issue (No. 'r3),
published on the following day (September ~o), and ran as follows-
"In these days it is rumoured that the above-mentioned Agreement has
emerged from the realms of consideration and discussion, and that all
its provisions and clauses have been arranged in their
final form. All discriminating and wellinformed persons suspect that,
in view of our negligence and ignorance, the signing of this Agreement
will be shortly followed by the end of Persia's independence and
autonomy. For as soon as the Agreement is signed, the contracting Powers
will at once begin to give it practical effect, and to pursue their
rcspcctive ambitions. We do not complain so much of our own ministers,
since these have for years been anointing themselves with this oil, and
are so timid that they can do nothing in the presence of foreigners but
submit and obey. One of our most patriotic ministers himself repeatedly
said to the writer: 'Say wllatever you like about the Shah and his
ministers, or the internal affairs of the country, but beware
of discussing foreign affairs, or alluding disrespectfully even to the
hoofs of their horses, or we shall get into trouble, and incur the anger
of the ambassadors.' In the case of the MaCitif't-ThjQ'fir (`King of the
Merchants'), when the Hal`6c'l-Alazliz wrote a few lines dictated by
patriotic zeal and a desire for the recognition of the rights of the
nation, it was punished in several ways, being
first suspended, then required to apologise, and fina.lly mulcted in a
fine of fifty tz`7z'`i~'s, wllilc on the other hand it was agreed to
send ~fi~ji Maliku't-7;~`fr to the Ministry of Justice, which has not
yet been done. ~liZ/ifi NaS7'7`'fi-Df'Z, Taf~a .6a)'fit (` New Life')
and other [Muslim] newspapers published in Russia may say whatever they
like and write wllatever they choose about our KinD, our ministers and
our deputies, and no one dares to remonstrate; but say only a word on
the other side, and there is the l~evil to pay! So, to be brief, we hope
nothing from our ministers: all our hopes are centred in the deputies,
who' after all this shouting and spcechifying, ought in such emergencies
to do their duty. In minor matters Iyin~ outside the scope of their duty
and
+P180
business they wrangle incessantly, but say nothing to preserve the
independence of their country....
"At all events the Asse'T,bly ought to make investigations, and should
ask the Minister for Foreign Affairs whether the report is true that
while we are living in our house others are arranging its
disposal and making compacts and conventions with one another
without even informing us of the matter. A strange rumour this, the like
of which no one has seen! It is the duty of the members of the Ma~lis
at once to summon the Ministers to appear before it in public' put a
stop to the Committee-mongering and secret conclaves of the last three
or four months, and investigate this matter openly, and to inform all
the Powers officially that any such agreement concluded without our
knowledge is in~alid.
"Hitherto our knowledge as to the contents of this Agreement is
confined to the following three points (~) The integrity of Persia, that
is to say, the preservation of its independence, so that no foreign
power has the right to take possession of a single span of Persian
gromnd. {~) Russia and England guarantee the personal iRdependent
sovereignty of the Shah of Persia. (3) Isfahan and Kirmanshah are
included within the limits wherein Russia's p~litical influence is to
prevail.
" Now, although this Agreement ostensibly professes to aim
at preserving the independence of Persia, whereby some of our
deputies have been deceived and have declared in the Assembly that this
Agreement will not hurt Persia, since its primary object is to safeguard
her independence, yet such as are versed in the jargon of politics know
very well that wherever one of th,ese Powers
has acquired influence, it has done so under the guise of just
such specious and fair-seeming words. Now if these two powers
really desired the continuance of Persia's soverei~nty, then there was
no need for such an Agreement.
Are the United States of America or Japan likely to come from the Far
West or the Far liast respectively in order to attack or subjugate
Persia, that there should be any need for such an Agreement? It is clear
that the danger which threatens Persia is precisely from these tv~o
Powers [which are parties to the Agreetnent], and that, if they had no
sinister designs,
+P181
there would have been no need for any Agreement or Convention.
"Yes, it is precisely under cover of such words that they will
interfere in a thousand ways in our country, as they have already done
in ligypt and other lands. England's Agreement with Egypt also includes
just such a clause, viz. that England guarantees the continuance of the
Egyptian Government to the Khedive, but that by virtue of this very
guarantee she must set in order the finances and organize the troops of
Egypt. And since, moreover, she guarantees the preservation of the
throne, she must also guarantee the uresenation of public security,
since the absence thereof would be injurious to the throne. Ifor the
same reason a number of English troops must be garrisoned in Egypt to
preserve public order. Assuredly if it is written in this Agreement that
the two Powers undertake to safeguard the right of the
reigning sovereign, it necessarily follows that as soon as any rival or
rebel appears in the country, these two kind friends, actuated by the
purest affection, will bring in their troops to suppress him, and then
it will be that the business will begin to produce consequences which
will be prolonged until the Day of Judgment.
"In order to make this matter clearer, we will content
ourselves with one illustration. Let us suppose that this Agreement had
been concluded three or four months ago, and that
the Sd~r'~'d-Dazvla's rebellion had happened after it had been
i ratified. Reuter's Agency would immediately have informed the whole
world that the Saldrn'd-Dazvla aspired to the throne. The Daily Mr~i!
would have aclded an editorial note to the effect that,
according to trustworthy information, a number of the notables and chief
men of the country were faYourably disposed towards his cause. The
Slandard would have said: 'Reliable information has reached us that
several tribes in the South and West of Persia are following the
Pretender, and it has been ascertained that his army now numbers thirty
thousand men.' Next the British Ambassador would officially enquire of
the Ministry as to the demands of the new Pretender, and our responsible
I`Iinisters would be obliged to reply that the Sa~!arn'dl~awla's claim
was to the Throne itself. 'Very well, then,' the
+P182
British Minister wou]d answer, 'Why, then, do you not send trool~s
against the cucmy?' 'Well, we are preparing to clo so, they would
answer. Some days later news would arrive that the Sal~'r'`rd-Dcl~wla
had raided the environs of Nihawand and Malayir and was besieging these
two towns.
'`The T'mes would instantly publish a long article saying that, in
accordance with the guarantee given by the two Powers for the
preservation of order and the sovereignty of the Shah, the
necessary preparations ~nust be made to send troops, in case of
necessity, to ensure the tranquillity of the country and to overcorme
and destroy the Pretender. And since the disturbed districts were nearer
to Russian territory, troops should be brought from Russia, but tl~at
the expenses of the expedition wonkl be equally borne by the two Powers.
There would be a `70te in Parliament, followed by a
correspondence with St Petersbur^. The troops would arrive. The Saiar
would be taken prisoner. The troops would remain for some time in the
district, detained by ' restoring order.' The expenses of
all these proceedings would be calculated, and would be found to amount
to about five million pounds sterling, which would have to be recovered
from the Persian treasury (just as in China they demanded the
expenses incurred in sending troops and also a fine~. Well, the
Persian treasury would practically be unable to pay this sun`, so it
would be found necessary that an official should be appointed on behalf
of each of the two Powers to increase the revenues and supervise
expenditure, and that the Russian official should watch over the North
of Persia, and the F:nglish official over the South. After a while each
would report to his government to the effect that, having in view the
destitution of Persia, the revel~ue could not be increased, and that the
payment of this sum was impossible, and that, in some way or other, the
condition of Persia must be improved so that her
revenues might be enlarged. Persia, they would add, only
needed certain necessary reForms to beco~e mure prosperous. Roads and
means of communication should be improved; railways were needed in
certain places; dams must be constructed to increase agriculture; the
erection of factories was greatly needed. Finally, after
prolonged discussions, it would be agreed that a sum of at
+P183
least twenty million pounds sterling must be lent conjointly by the two
1,owers, of which sum part should be spent on irrigation, part on roads,
part on mines, part for administrative purposes, and so on, and that
with the remaining two millions a Bank should be
established. The Persian Government would, under the circumstances, be
compelled to submit to these conditions and sign the required bond,
comforted by the assurance that the conditions were very light and easy,
and comprised no more than ten clauses, that the loan would cause Persia
to blossom like a garden of roses; and that her
revenues would increase tenfold! "
The third article of the series appeared on the following day (Sept.
~ ~, 1907) in No. ~ 14 of the paper, and was as follows:-
`'In our last number we reached this point, that the officials
representing the two Powers concerned in the Agreement would declare
that the well-being of Persia could only be secured by a new loan; and
since on the one hand there would be a claim of perhaps five million
pounds for restoring internal order, and also previous loans
~vhich must be extinguished, we should be compelled by these
two claims already established to shew a certain compliancy and
obedience. The terms of this new loan would comprise at least
two clauses, the ratification of which would close for ever the
charter of our independence....
"One of these conditions would be that the officials in control of
all the financial departments of the Government must be appointed by
the two Powers, and that they in turn must appoint the minor
officials. These would assume control over all the frontier
districts, possibly over the interior also, and would impose a complete
check on the functions of the home officials. We need not remind our
readers how much one single Belgian official' on obtaining complete
control of the Persian Customs, increased the induence of foreigners,
or how l~e caused l'crsian er'tIloy~s to be ignored and
humiliated, and this notwithstanding the {act that we were able to
dismiss him at any moment we pleased, and that he had no sort of
independent authority in our country. Whoever has examined the new
Customs Tariff [drawn up by himj knows of what treason to
+P184
our country this ungrateful wretch was guilty, how he increased Russian
influence, and how he behaved towards the Persians. Hence it will be
evident how the Russian and English officials, enjoying complete
authority and unrestricted power, and representing Persia's creditors'
are likely ro conduct themselves. Every one who has read about the
Denshawi incident in Egypt will understand our meaning: how on that
occasion they hanged several Egyptians for killin~ one Englishman, and
imprisoned a number more for various periods, and how Lord Cromer shewed
a ruthlessness which will never bc expunged from the page of history.
Moreover since the borrowed capital will be under their own control,
they will employ it in such a way that most of it will revert to their
own countries.
"Another condition will be that all concessions granted by Persia,
whether internal or external, must he approved, sanctioned and ratified
by the two Powers. Accordingly a Persian subject will neither be able
to obtain a concession for the manufacture of paper nor to set up a
factory, since the granting of all such concessions will be in the hands
of the above-mentioned functionaries, who, in one way or another, will
prefer their compatriots to us, so that all commercial undertakings will
pass into the hands of Russian and Engl ish mercl~ants.
"Another condition will be that these officials shall receive their
salaries from Persia, who will recognize their claims and rights, and,
in return for their services to their governments, they will receive a
yearly payment in cash from the Persian treasury. It will be the old
story of Lord Cromer and lS:gypt, when it was said in Parlia. ment that
in return for securing Egypt for the English he ought to receive from
the revenues of Egypt fifty thousand pounds.
"Another condition will be that all the material wealth of Persia must
be handed over to guarantee the debt. This stipulation will include the
mines, coasts, customs, ports, telegraphs and revenues, and since the
debt must be pai~l out of these sources of wealth, and the P~rsians do
not know how to manage them or put them to profitable use, therefore
officials appointed by the two Powers must superintend them, and take
such steps as may be required to render them productive. The Persian
+P185
Ministers must therefore be subordinated to these foreign officials,
whose commands and prohibitions they will not have the slightest right
to disregard. "Some years ago ~ recollect that a certain Egyptian
edited a classic work designed for use in the Egyptian schools, and
forwarded it to the Egyptian Minister of Public Instruction, who
approved it, and ordered that a certain number of copies should be
bought and distributed amongst the Government schools. When news of this
reached the AdYiser to the Ministry appointed by the English, he angrily
refused his consent, saying, 'If the Minister wants the book he must pay
for it out of his own pocket.' His real obJect in displaying this
outburst of temper was to weaken the Egyptian Minister's Power, in order
that people might clearly understand who enjoyed the real authority,
and who must be courted and flattered.
"Sooner or later, then, this loan would be effected, and the officials
of the two Powers would arrive, and would enter into the control of all
departments of the executiYe. They would then consider it desirable, in
order that in the future they might have at their disposal more
efficient men, to improve education in Persia, and an Englishman would
be appointed Adviser to the Ministry of Public Instruction, who would
make English the official language of the schools, as has been done in
Egypt. Should Russia raise any objections, then 31ussian would be made
the second language, JUst as in the Egyptian schools all instruction is
given in English) while no attention is paid to Arabic. Thus our
children too would be educated in English ways and fashions, and would
become anglicized and anglophil, losing all national sentiments and
becoming the (riends and admirers of the English.
"However lack of space forbids us to pursue this theme further, and
our ~neaning will be sufficiently apprehended from the above brief and
summary sketch. Now the first two articles of the Agreement are at
complete variance with the third, since the inclusion of Isfah~n and
Kirmanshah within the Russian sphere of political influence clearly
points to a partition and is incompatible with the independence of
Persia; although to-day~s telegrams assert the
+P186
contrary of this clause, declaring that the influence of the
two ~Powers extends through the whole of Persia, and that they have
agreed to regard the ~vhole of Persia as open to their respective
inlquences, and have abandoned the idea of its being divided. ~Our own
belief, however, is that the earlier information is the
more correct. Moreover, hitherto whenever they have talked of
their 'influence' they have limited it to commercial influence, ~but now
they have cast aside the veil and suddenly begin to ~talk in a
quite different fashion, turning the talk to political Finfluence. What
this means precisely we do not know. If it ~merely means
dictating and interfering, this is quite illegal and cannot be reckoned
as a fright' of any foreign nation. HJji ,~t Mali[`c't- 7)cjJ~r
embezzled other peoples' property and then took refuge in the Russian
Legation, and the Ambassador, contrary ~to all international laws,
protected him. This has nothing to do with the question: it is an
isolated act of pure lawlessness and violence, and with such as this the
Agreement has no connection. But if something else is intended, then it
were weli that it should be clearly explained.
"To-day's telegrams are deserving of close attention, and in
particular those in authority should read them carefully, apprehend the
essence of the matter, and take precautionary measures.
:- As a sample we here reproduce several paragraphs from them."
[Here follow several quotations, describing the ratification of _the
Anglo-lLussian Agreement, the satisfaction with which it has been hailed
in the English Press, as affording a fresh guarantee of peace in the
world, and some remarks of the Stfz~dard's
~St Petersburg correspondent, who represents each of the two ~-:
Powers as consenting to the limitation of its political influence t o
a specified portion of Persia, while in commercial undertakings they
shall be on an equal footing throughout the whole ; of Persia. Thus
Russia has agreed that the gates of the northern provinces of Persia
shall be open to English commerce and enterprise, while England, on the
other hand, permits and approves Russian commerce in the southern
provinces.] The article then continues:-
"The beauty of the thi'~g is that Russia grants permission to England
to open the doors of her commercial influence in the
+P187
North, while England kindly vouchsafes the same permission to Russia in
the South! But what business has Russia in Persia either to grant or
withhold such permission? From North to South Persia is ours: we are
neither minors needing a guardian, nor lunatics needing a
keeper. Although the Mnihb~r'~'l-MuJ~ declared in Parliament that
'Persia needed a tutor,' this is nonsense: the Persians have reached
years of discretion and need no tutor. If they did, they would not have
a Parliament, which implies the transference to the people of their
power and rights, so that they may manage their own affairs, and elect
from amongst themselves ministers to act for them. If they have not
attained discretion, then they are also not entitled to elect deputies.
At any rate we fail to perceive on what ground these
two Powers give permission to one another to enter some one else's
territory, or why they should 'spend money out of the guest's purse.'
If they intended to take precautions in the matter of the German Bank,
and were anxious to make a forcible protest, still what right have these
two Powers to interfere? The matter did not go so far as to justify such
a course.
"To-day it is necessary that the Foreign Minister of Persia
should clearly inform the two Powers that no Agreement having reference
to Persia and concluded without her knowledge is valid or entitled to
the slightest consideration; and that any Power desiring to enter into
relations with Persia must address itself directly to the
Persians themselves, no one else having any right to intervene in anv
~Yay; just as Persia would approach England directly in any
matter concerning that country, so ought England to act
in converse circumstances."
The fourth article of the series appeared on Septen'.ber r4, rgo7, in
No. ~ r5 of the paper, and is followed by the text of a very important
communication made by the British Minister at Tihran to the Persian
Minister for Foreign Affairs, with a view to allaying the disquietude
caused in Persia by the Anglo-Russian Agreement.
" It is worthy of special note that this Agreement should take
+P188
place at this critical juncture, when the internal affairs of Persia
are in such confusion that the wisest men in the country are utterly at
a loss as to how to remedy them. First of all the most careful
investigations are needed as to the actual articles of this Agreement,
for it is eYident that we must not suffer ourselves to be misled
by the diplomatic utterances of the two Powers into neglecting
to acquaint ourselves with the facts of the case, even though
diplomatic etiquette may forbid us to enquire officially about the
provisions of a secret treaty. Moreover, however desirous we may be to
obtain the truth of the matter from the contracting Powers themselves,
even this would not completely reassure us or set our minds at ease.
So, for example, if F:ngland and France should conclude a treaty with
one another, it would be Germany's duty to get possession by
external means, whether by the expenditure of [secret serviced money or
otherwise, of the actual text of its clauses, while should she seek to
inform herself by official correspondence of the real object of the
covenanting states, she would be guilty of an error.
`' In the second place, our primary duty is to be so watchful and
wary, and to take such effective precautions against coming storms, that
our watchfulness may put a stop to foreign designs against our country.
It is not for the moment necessary for us to regard the real motives of
the two Powers: we must assume that they actually intend to divide our
country. In this case it is clear that their method of procedure will
not be to bring in troops and forcilbly take possession. They will
rather insert their claws gradually, and adopt such means and methods
as will result in finishing us off in another ten or twenty years. We,
then, on our side, must make such preparations as will prove a
courter-charm' to their actions. Henceforth, then, it is urgently
necessary that we should earnestly and strenuously endeavour to set our
house in order, put a stop to the increase of foreign induences, and
make it so clear to them that we are alive and a~rake that they will
leave us alone.
"Thus, for example, one of the principal means employed to
~ B]til~'' sibr.
+P189
weaken a nation is to set obstacles in the way of its commerce, so that
it may be constrained by poverty to borrow money on any terms which may
be dictated to it. Now we see with our own eyes how the foreigners are
striving to empoverish us, and how every day the want of money makes
itself more urgently felt amongst us. If we compare the present state
of things with that which prevailed two months ago, we see that the
dearth of money is much greater and capital much more embarrassed. The
present state of things is such that by reason of lack of funds we are
unable to mobilize a single regiment, or even one hundred
Cossacks. Our merchants are at their wits' end, and do not know where
to turn for two or three thousand ti~cer~s. The Russian Bank, which in
reality is one of the causes which have brought about this state of
things, has ceased to do business, and is constantly pressing to recover
its claims, gladly receiving even five tumRns from one on whom it has
a claim of a thousand, since it knows that to remove from circulation
even this small sum helps to impede the wheels of commerce. It is
not improbable that hereafter it will not advance a single d'ndr to any
one, and, on presence of winding up its affairs, will exert pressure to
recover its debts. On this matter we shall give fuller explanations
presently.
"Let us now return to the first point, namely the interpretation of
the provisions of the Agreement. It appears from to-day's
telegrams, which consist entirely of reports of the opinions expressed
by the Russian and English newspapers, that the English have got the
best of the bargain, for their newspapers express great satisfaction
and delight, while the Russian newspapers, on the contrary, are not so
well pleased. It is not yet clear why the former are so pleased and the
latter so dissatisfied, and our remarks are based on
conjecture rather than certainty. Here is an epitome of
to-day's telegrams, communicated to us by the Telegraph Company."
[Here follow extracts representing the views of the
[iil~es, Stendard, JIorni'tg Post, and Daily Telegra,J`. "The Russian
papers also," adds the writer, "generally express satisEaction, but
their remarks are not inspired by any extraordinary gratification or
enthusiasm."]
+P190
We now come to the very important communication made by the Pritish
Minister at Tihrdn to the Persian Minister for Foreign Affairs, which
is intr~duced by the following paragraph.
"The British Minister at Tibran has also written an explanation on
this subject, dated the z~ith of Rajab last(=Sept. 5, ~907), that is
eight days ago, to the Persian Ministry for Foreign Affairs. It
appears from its contents that the British Mh~ister is very anxious to
remove the suspicion which has established itself h~ men's
minds that the above-mentioned Agreement refers to the partition of
Persia. With great difficulty we have obtained a copy of this document,
which w e here reproduce for the information of all our honoured
readers. Thereafter we shall supplement it with an expression of our own
personal opinions on the subject, and offer some suggestions as to how
~ve should deal with this intractable malady, w hicl~ suggestions may
perhaps be considered by those in power, so that they may seek for some
cure and remedy, whereby some light may dawn on
our dark horizon."
Here follows the-
"CoPY OF THE ABOVE-MENTIONED COMMUNICATION [from the
British Minister] DATED RAJAB 26 " [= Sept. 5, i~7].
"Information has reached me that it is rumoured in Persia that an
Agreement has been concluded bet~een England and Russia which will
result in the intervention of these two Powers in Persia, and the
partition of that country between them. Your Excellency is well
aware that the negotiations between Russia and England are of a
wholly d ifferent character; for the M?`shirn'lAf'`~ has recently been
in St Petersburg and London and has conversed w-ith the Russian
and English Ministers for Foreign Affairs, who, on behalf
of tlleir res~cctive governments, have clearly explained the ahns of
the two l'owers in Persia, which explanations he will no
doubt have reported.
"Sir Edward Grey, the British Secretary of State for Foreign
Affairs, has informed me of the substance of his
conversations with the ~J[usb~r'~'l-Mu~, and also of the
substance of his
+P191
communications with M. Isvolsky, which have been officially communicated
to the British Government.
"Sir Edward grey informs me that he has explained to the Mushir?~'l-
~ that he and M. Isvolsky are in perfect accord on two essential points.
"First, neither of the two Powers will interfere in Persian affairs
unless some injury is inflicted on the property or persons of their
subjects. "Secondly, the negotiations connected with the Agreement
between the two Powers must not violate the integrity and independence
of Persia. "Sir Edward Grey also explains that hitherto antagonism
existed between Russia and England, each of which sought to prevent the
continuance of the other in Pcrsia; and that had this antagonism been
prolonged in the present uncertain state of Persia, suspicion would have
arisen on one side, or on both, that the other was interfering in the
internal affairs of Persia to prevent its rival from profiting by the
existing state of things, and to secure profit for itself at the expense
of the other. The object of the present negotiations between England and
Russia is to obviate the occurrence of such difficulties, and they are
in truth in no way directed against Persia, as M. lsvolsky explained
to the Mushin`'l-Mnik, saying, 'Neither of the two Powers demands
anything of Persia, and so Persia can devote all her energies to the
settlement of her internal affairs.' Both Ministers were in full accord
as to non-intervention, and left no room for any doubt on this matter.
M. Isvolsky's words, which likewise express the
intentions of Great Britain, are as follows:
"'The Russian &overnment's rule will be that, so long as no injury
accrues to its interests, it will avoid interfering in any way in the
h~ternal affairs of other countries. It is quite impossible that it
should deviate from this rule in the present case.'
"As for the rumoured partition of Persia between England and ltussia
which is talkocl of, the two Powers above mcrtioned desire to define a
limit of power for themselves. Sir Edward Grey and M. Isvolsky
have explicitly declared that these rumours are absolutely devoid of
foundation. What the two Powers desire is that an Agreement should be
made to prevent future
+P192
difficulties and dissensions, by ~vhich Agreement neither Power
ims at establishing its inRuence in those parts of Persia which re
adjacent to the frontier of the othe~. The Agreement hreatens
neither Persia's own interests, nor those of any other foreign nation:
it only binds Russia and England not to embark on any undertaking
injurious to one another, and delivers Persia for the future from those
demands which in the past have proved so hurtful to the
advancement of her interests. M. Isvolsky's statement is as follows:-
"'The Agreement between the two European Powers which have the
greatest interests in Persia, an Agreement based on a l uarantee of the
independence and integrity of Persia, will conduce to the advancement
of Persia's interests, so that she, l ncouraged and aided by her two
powerful neighbours, can l enceforth concentrate all her energies on
internal progress.'
"You will perceive from the above statements how unfounded are the
reports recently put about in Persia concen~ing the l olitical ambitions
of England and Russia in that country. They have no sort of intention
of attacking Persia's independence, l hich it is their object in
concluding this Agreement to ensure l r ever. Not only do they not seek
a pretext for intervention, l ut their aim in these
friendly negotiations is not to permit l ne another to intervene in
Persia on the pretext of safeguarding l heir own interests. The
two powers above mentioned hope l hat in the future Persia will be for
ever delivered from the fear l f foreign intenrention' and
will enjoy complete freedom to l anage her affairs in her own
way, whereby advantage will l ccrue both to herself and to
the whole world."
The importance of this document can hardly be overl stimated,
for thereby Great Britain, speaking officially through l
er accredited representatives, not only declared that she herself l ad
no intention of interfering in Persian affairs, but that Russia l as
equally innocent of such intention. Nothing can be more l xplicit than
the statement that in this Agreement the common aim of the
two contracting Powers was, not only to avoid an~r retext for
intervention, but " no' to per?n~t one ano~er to 'nterne in Persza on
the
pretext of safeguarding their own interests."
+P193
Thus England pledged her honour not merely as regards her own course
of conduct. but as regards Russia's-a rash pledge, as some may think,
fpr what would Engiand do if Russia should break her promise ?-a
contingency, if the history of her former proceedings in Central Asia
be considered, which cannot be regarded as wholly impossible' She
scarcely could, and certainly would not, go to war for a breach of an
Agreement especially designed to secure peace; and her only other course
would be to go on pretending that Russia was observing the Agreement as
loyally as herself until the facts of the case could no longer be
ignored, and then to declare that she could not consent to be bound by
an Agreement which did not bind the other contracting
party, and that henceforth the Agreement must be regarded as null and
void. But in the meanwhile Russia would have enormously strengthened her
position in Central Asia (how enormously is, perhaps, not generally
realized), and, so far as Persia is concerned, "ere the antidote could
be brought from 'Iraq, he whom the snake had bitten would be dead."
One thing, however, is clearly proved by the communication cited above,
namely, that England repudiated any intention of interfering in Persia,
and that consequently all the discussions as to the respective values
of the spheres of influence indicated in the Agreement are founded on
a complete misapprehension of its nature. The truth seems to be that,
so far as the British Government was concerned, the Agreement was in
reality of the nature of a renunciation, and was dictated:-
(1) By a genuine desire for peace in general.
(2) By a special desire for peace, and, more than that,
increased friendliness with Russia, this being in some sense the outcome
of the Anglo-French entente.
(3) By a genuine desire not to add to the responsibilities of
the British empire, already heavy enough.
(4) By a desire to economize in military expenditure, especially in
India, a condition of such economy being that the ancient bogey of a
Russian invasion should be exorcised otherwise than by extensive
armaments. To attain these desirable objects it was necessary to do two
things which must have been very distasteful to a Liberal
+P194
administration, viz. to ~vhitewash the Russian Govermnent and to thro~r
over the l~ersian Constitutionalists. It was unfortunate that at this
particular juncture the Russian Government was displaying its illil~eral
methods and barbarous cruelty towards its own subjects in a singularly
conspicL`ous manner; that courtsmartial, hangings, Roggings and secret
tortures in prison were not only matters of
daily occurrence, but happened many times a day in many di~erent places;
and that the venerable Count Tolstoy, who had titherto
avoided political utterances, was at last moved to utter and publish a
moving protest which threw these horrors into glaring relief'. It is
unnecessary to discuss these horrors-far worse than anything done in
Persia in recent years-in detail here, but according to the Prduo,
described as " the foremost legal paper in Russia," in twenty months
from ~6So to ~700 people had been executed by court-martial, or an
average of three a day2; while some idea of the ferocity with which
martial law was administered in the Baltic provinces between December,
~905, and March ~, ~go7, may be gleaned from a letter of Prince
Kropotkine's on this subject published in the Times of July z8, '908.
Still,
political exigencies must, apparently, even in the case of
a Liberal Government, over-ride mere humanitarian sentin~ents, and the
Government organs in the Press had to put the best face they could on
the matter, gracefully ignore the courts-martial, the hangings, the
farmburnings and the prison tortures of their new ally, and
sirmulate, at least, some enthusiasm for " Holy Russia," which seems to
wield so strange a hypnotic influence over a certain number
of prominent English Liberals.
As for Persia, well, she must look after herself. England had
helped her, indirectly at least, to get her Constitution, and
naturally had some sympathy for its supporters, but could not, of
course, give them any material help, or suffer the .Zil~'sS~l.~an, or
any other rival of the reigning monarch whom the Constitutionalists
might, in certain events, prefer, to contest the throne with Muhammad
'Ah Shah. All this, except, perhaps, the last item, was fair enough,
and the complaint uttered by
908.
A translation of this DroteSt was oublished in the D'`il~r Chro~rirk
of lulv Ic. D~' ~cms, J~e 4, ~go8.
+P195
some of the Persian refugees, that England should not have helped them
to obtain a Constitution unless she was prepared to give it
continued support, is unjust, considering that England could not, if
she would, maintain the National Assembly by armed force against the
Shah, and also that Persia would-with reason-have regarded such
armed intervention as undesirable and dangerous. They had, on the other
hand, a right to expect that England would, in view of the promises
given by her Minister at Tihran, require of Russia an equally
scrupulous abstention from any interference, since any action
taken by Russia subsequently to the conclusion of the Agreement
would, unless formally and publicly repudiated by England, be supposed
to have her support and approval.
It is not clear how far the Persian Constitutionalists were actually
reassured by the British Minister's communication, but though the series
of articles, of which the first four have been translated above, is
continued in the next two numbers of the ~Yab~'l-Mall7', its tone
changes; the attacks on the Agreement cease,or take a
quite subordinate place; and the themes treated, though still connected
with the methods of European aggression in Eastern
countries, especially through financial channels, become much more
general, and, if the expression may be permitted, less personal.
The remaining articles, therefore, though interesting enough in their
way, have not a sufficiently direct bearing on the Anglo-Russian
Agreement to render necessary their inclusion in this chapter.
The explanation given above of the motives which prompted the
British Government to acquiesce in the principles embodied
in the Anglo-Russian Agreement is the most favourable, and, it is to be
hoped, the true one. But it must be remembered that many Persian and not
a few Russian politicians conceive these motives as being of a
much more cynical character, and assert that Great Britain's real object
was to prevent the spread of Constitutional ideas in Asia, for fear of
the influence they might exert on India and Egypt; to keep
Persia weak and distracted; and to maintain in their present
deserted and depopulated condition those provinces of Persia (Kirman
and Sistan) which lay nearest to her Indian frontier.
+P196
CHAPTER VII.
THE COUP D'ETAT OF JUNE 23, 1908, AND DESTRUCTION
OF THE FIRST MAJLIS.
We have seen how complete was the triumph of the Maylis and the
popular party over the Shah and the forces of reaction in the abortive
coup d,/tat of December, ~907. The crisis on that occasion lasted only
five or six days (December ~3 or t4 to December 28 or ~g). It began with
the demand on the part of the Majlis (December ~ 3) for the dismissal
of the Shah's reactionary advisers, especially the Amir Bahadur
Jang and Sa'~'d-Dawla. It was acute from December ~4-~8, when
the national volunteers (whose numbers at their maximum were estimated
at ~,000 by the Persian correspondent of the l~imes) flocked to the
defence of the Baharistan, or House of Parliament, and the Sipahsalar
Mosque, while the Shah's "~tis', or roughs occupied the
Artillery Square, or Maydan-i-7~dp-khana (where they remained
until Sunday, December zz), molesting passers-by and plundering the
Jewish quarter. And its acute stage came to an end on December 18, when,
after receiving visits from the French and Austrian Ministers and the
Turkish Ambassador, the Shah gave way, promising to punish the rioters
whom he himself had incited to riot, and to dismiss
his reactionary advisers. On December ~ 9, Taq-zada delivered his great
speech in the National Assembly. On December zo the Shah nominated a
new Cabinet with lViz~m~'s Saltana as Premier. Next day the
Shah's uncle, the Zillu's-Sultan, was ordered to leave the capital, but
he received the message with contempt, beat the messenger, and caused
him to be violently ejected from his house. Thereupon he was
warned in threatening language by the British and Russian Ministers to
keep quiet; an action comprehensible enough so far as the
Russians were concerned,
Sultan Mas'ud Mirza Zillu's-Sultan
(born January 5, 1850)
+P197
but less intelligible on the part of the English, to whom that Prince
was so favourably disposed even so far back as 'B88 that his dismissal
from most of his governments early in that year was regarded as a blow
to English influence and a triumph for Russian diplomacy. The
.Zi~'s-Sult~z was hated by the Persians, especially by the lsfahanfs,
who had had the best opportunities of knowing him, on account of his
numerous acts of cruelty, and nothing could be more absurd and baseless
than the theory advanced by Dr E. J. Dillon and other partisans
of the Russian Government that he was " the brain of
the revolutionary movementl,'' which aimed simply at putting him on the
throne. But after the Zil~'s-Sult~n had been rejected by
the Constitutionalists and mulcted in a large sum of money, Dr E. J.
Dillon changed his tune, and ceased to speak of him as " an
unprincipled claimant to the throne of absolutism," " a tyrant by
temperament," and " an Oriental despot and human beast, whose cruelty
of heart is but rarely tempered by his clearness of understanding,"
describing him instead as " one of the most influential members of the
royal family," to whose charge "no crime was laid2."
After the coup d~e~tat df December, ~907, great efforts 1vere made by
the National Assembly to improve the relations between the Shah and the
popular party, and a " Conciliation Committee"
(`Majlis-i-Istib~o~) was formed, which had this for its principal
object. Their efforts were seconded by Sh~'a'n'sSal~ana, the
Shah's brother, and '~'I-Mulk, the head of the Qajar or royal tribe.
They so far succeeded that on the occasion of the two festivals
known as the 'jd,-i-GJ'ad{r and the 'ld-i-Qurban the Shah received
deputations sent by the Mallis to offer him their congratulations.
In spite of these apparent improvements in the situation,
however, the political horizon continued dark and threatening.
The Turkish troops continued their advance across the NorthWest
frontier, and entered Sawuch Bulaq, the Persians, commanded by
the ~armms-farmd;, being unable to o~er any effective resistance, while
the attitude of Russia on several
Con20n~orary ~;ow, for August, ',o8, p. '5~.
'Ibid., October, rgo9, p. 5ll. (
+P198
matters continued to inspire the most lively anxiety. Soon,
moreover, tl~ere arose fresh grounds of friction between the
National Assembly and the Shah. On December 1 8 a Zoroastrian
banker named Arbab Firldun was murdered in TihrAn,
and it uras proved to the satisfaction of the Maylis that the
murder was instigated by the Mccjalla;~'s-Sultan, one of the
Shah's reactionary courtiers, whom, accordingly, it was decided
to pun ish. The Shah, however, ob~ected to this, taking up
the position that his courtiers were sacrosanct, and should not
be made amenable to the laws like ordinary mortals, and
consequently it was not until May, five months after the
perpetration of the crime, that he and his accomplices were
punished with exile to Kalat, whence they were brought back
in triumph by the Shah four or five weeks later after the
destruction of the Maylis.
About the end of February, 1908, a worse thing happened.
While the Sh~h was driving through the streets of the capital a
bomb was thrown which wrecked his automobile and killed one
of the occupants. The Shah himself' who was in another
carriage, was uninjured, but he was naturally very much alarmed, and
thenceforth the hope of any sort of reconciliation became
fainter ar~d fainter. Next day another bomb exploded in a
dust-heap near the same spot, killing two more trten. The
house from vvhich the bomb was thrown was occupied by a
goldsmith named Siyyid Ghulam Riza of Marand, who was
arrested and cross-examined, but nothi'~g definite transpired as to the
perpetrators of the outrage, apparently three in number,
who effectecl their escape. By the reactionaries it was, of
course, represented as the work of revolutionaries; while
the Nationalist leaders declared that it was engineered by the
reactionary party in order to prevent any reconciliation between the
Sh~h and the National Assembly, and asserted that the
bornb-thro~vers were known to have been in communication
with the r~otorious Shapshil Kh~in, the llussiall Jcw who was
the Shah's tutor during his youth, and througllout his reign his evil
genius'. The M`ca~ab`5ir~'f-M'clk, sometime editor of the
~ See, ho~ever, the disclaimer of "
Adjutant-General Chapchal "published in the
Daiiy ~c~c~grapl' of January '5, 1909.
~usayn P`sha Khan Amtr Bah~fdur Ja'
One of the chief Reactionaries
+P199
Tamaddun, in a narrative of the cezzp d''`at of June z3, '908, which he
contributed to the Calcutta (weekly) Hablu'l-l~al~ of September ~4,
~908, goes even further, and states that the Shah himself arranged, or
was privy to, the bomb-throwing, hoping thereby to discredit
the National Assembly.
About the beginning of April, ~908, the ~tisJ'd~u's-Salia?zn,
who became President of the Assembly at the beginning of September,
'907, on the resignation of $anfu'd-Dawla, resigned, and was
succeeded by the Mu)~zfasu'd-Oa-wla. He had made himself very
unpopular by his endeavours to restrict the freedom of the Press and of
public speakers, and by his opposition tq the formation of a
national militia. Under his successor matters progressed much more
smoothly. About this time punishment was inflicted on four of the
leaslers of the roughs who had demonstrated against the Parliament in
December. These were, the $anf-i-flaeral, Mug~adir-i-Ni~dm, Na'ib
Isma'll, and Siyyid Kamal, all of whom were bastinadoed and exiled to
Kalat for ten years; and similar punishment was inflicted on those
convicted of the murder of the Zoroastrian Arbab Firidun about a month
later.
The events which led up to the second and disastrous coup d'/`at began
towards the end of May, '908. The relations between the Shah and the
Assembly being still very strained, the aged
'Azudu'l-Mu~ constituted himself the intermediary between the Court and
the Assembly. The Shah demanded that the newspapers and the
popular orators should cease to speak against him, while the
Assembly demanded the dismissal of six of the most stubborn
reactionaries who were regarded as chiefly responsible for the
Shah's constant intrigues against the Constitution. These six were, the
Amir Bahadur Jang, Shapshal Khan, the ]~/~`fd:~irz~'`-M?~,
the ~4mhtu'1-Mulk, the Muzvaqgar7~'5-Salla?za and the
Mujalialu's-Sultan. The Shah consented to this, insisting, however, that
the Assembly should act first; but at length it was agreed that action
on both sides should be simultaneous. Finally the
Constitutionalists elected a Committee consisting of the great popular
orator Aqa Siyyid Jamal, Jahanglr Khan, editor of the
S?ir-i-lsrafil, Siyyid Muhammad Riza of Shiraz, editor
of the Musa'wat,
+P200
and some deputies induential in swaying public opinion, and these so
exerted themselves on the side of moderation that very soon a much more
respectful tone was adopted towards the Shah both in the Press and by
the popular orators. But still the Shah refused to
dismiss the obnoxious courtiers until finally a number of the
nobles and notables, headed by Prince Jalalu~d-Dawla (cousin to the Shah
and son of the Zillz~'sS?`lten), 'A~'~'d{-Da~via, the M,c'tamad-i-
Klia'~an, the Sardari-Mans~r and the Waz~r-~:Humeydn, reinforced by the
anJUmans and the people, urged the point so strongly that the Shah at
last gave way on June ~, ~go8. The dismissed courtiers, however, did not
go far afield, and the Amir Bahadur Jang took refuge in the Russian
Legation, while Shapshal Kh;Sn and also the Cossack Coloncl Liakhoff
continued to visit the Shah, who feigned to be in fear of the
Constitutionalists.
On the following day (June z) took place an act of intervention by the
Russian Minister (and, as Siyyid Taq`-zada confidently
asserted, the British Charge d'Affaires') which greatly conduced to, if
it did not actually cause, the miserable results which followed three
weeks later. On the morning of that day, according to
Siyyid Tagl-zada's narrative, these two diplomatists, who were then in
their summer quarters, the one at Zarganda' the other at
Qulhak, telegraphed in French to the Minister for Foreign Affairs
informing him that they proposed to call on him at 4 p.m. that day,
"pour discuter la situation actuelle, qui nous paralt
tres-alarmante," and requesting him to invite the
'As~cdzil-Mu~z and the M?~7~`azu'd-Dawla (the President of the Assembly)
to meet them there. I hese two declined to come, on the ground
that all communications from the representatives of foreign powers
should be made through the Minister for Foreign Affairs. The
diplomatists arrived at the time specified, and M. de Hartwig,
the Russian Minister,
Taqf-z4da's assertion, when first made, w.~s scouted by the 7.in~es as
a " I'ersian fairy-tale " (see leading article of N~v. ~8, '908), b ut
its truth was subsequently pro`-ed by the Blue Book (Persia, No. I,
19cg: Cd. 458~}, No. 175, pp. 139-140. M. de Hart~ig having expresied
his anxiety about Muhammad 'All Shah, and his wish to point out to the
Persian minister ~r Fore~ Affairs "the grave consequences ~vhich nZight
ensue to Persia should anything happen to the Shah," Mr
Marling, the British Char~A~asr~s, said he "was quite uilling to join
him," and did so.
+P201
addressed a long remonstrance, concluding with a threat, to the
Persian Minister for Foreign Affairs. "The life of the Shah," he said,
" is in jeopardy. What business have these Nationalists to interfere
with His Majesty's personal servants, especially the old Amir Bahadur
Jang, who watches over his master's safety like a faithful watch-dog ~
The any~mans and Nationalists have transgressed all bounds, and wish now
to depose the Shah. This we cannot tolerate, and, should it happen,
Russia will be compelled to interfere, and will do so with the
approval and sanction of England." This was the substance of what M.
Hartwig said, and, when he had ceased, Mr Marling, the
British Charge d'Affaires, briefly endorsed his remarks. The two then
went on to the house of the 'A~ud?''l-Mu~, with whom they found
Prince Jaldiu'd-Dawla and the 'Af ~u'd-Dawla, and made the same
communication to him.
The Mashfnc'd-Daw~, the Persian Minister for Foreign Affairs,
went immediately after the departure of M. de ffartwig and Mr Marling
to the National Assembly, and reported the sinister message which he
had just received to the President, Mumt`~2`'d-Dawla, and Siyyid Taq[-
z~da and the Mustasfuiru'dI:Jawla, two of the Deputies for
Tabriz, who, dreading foreign intervention more than anything else, and
deeming "a sick nation better than a dead nation," decided that all
thought of armed opposition to the Shah must, in view of Russia's
threats, be abandoned.
Early next day (June 3, ~908) took place the Sh~h's sudden flight from
the city, where he was afraid to remain, to the Bagh-i-Shah (" King's
Garden ") outside the walls. This flight was carried out with great
skill First of all two regiments of Silahkhurts (about 2,000 men) were
suddenly let loose on the town, and rushed through the streets and
b~drs, arms and legs bare, shooting, shouting and slashing, and creating
a general panic throughout the city. Meanwhile a body of 300 Cossacks
and two guns passed the Ilahiristan, where the National Assembly was
sitting, discussing the situation. Thither crowds flocked to learn the
news or to prepare to defend the Assembly in case of
need. While their attention was thus distracted the Sh~h suddenly
emerged from his Palace amidst a cloud of
+P202
Cossacks, Shapshal Khan, sword in hand, riding at his side, and wcut
I;rst to the Cossack barracks or Qa~fy-/J~`ffza, entering by one gate
and almost immediately emerging by another. There he was joined by
Colonel Liakhoff and another body of Cossacks, who conducted him to the
Bagh-i-Shah, where his son, the Wali-'abd, or Crown Prince, a boy of ten
or eleven years of age, subsequently joined him. It was not until two
hours after the flight had been accomplished -that it became generally
known to the people that the Shah had left the city.
From the Bagh-i-Shah the Shah wrote to the Chief Minister
(Rta'fsu'l- l~`zar~!, the Mush~r~c's-Saltana, a reassuring letter,
saying that he merely desired change of air and rest, and that no
political importance was to be attached to his leaving the town.
Notwithstanding this, great alarm and anxiety prevailed amongst the
people, and the next day about a thousand armed volunteers assembled in
and round
about the Baharist~n, demanding that the gates should be closed, the
military stores seized, and the Shah's deposition
proclaimed. Siyyid Taq[zada, however, accompanied by Hajji M{rza Ibr~h~m
Aga, the Director of the Anjuman-i-A[nza~arl (which had its rooms close
to the entrance of the Baharistan, and served as
a meetingplace for representatives of all the other a~zjumans)
endeavoured to calm the people and persuade the Volunteers to lay down
their arms or disperse, in which endeavour they ultimately succeeded,
and tranquilUty ~A,as re-established.
On June 4 the Shah sent for the 'Az?~'l-MnI:k, and through
him transmitted reassuring n~essages to the nobles and notables,
requesting that a dozen or so of them, who had most urgently demanded
the
dismissal of Shapshal Khan, should wait upon him at the Bagh-i-Shah to
discuss the situation. The notables in question, amongst whom were
included Prince JaldlK'dDawla, 'AM'u'd-Dawla, the Wazfr-i-Hn,?~yufs,
the Mu'tamad-iKJca~an, the Sardar-i-~lans~r, the Mu'`imin7`'d-Dawla, and
the C~im-Maqam, very naturally mistrustecl the Shah, and at first
declined to go, but on June ~ they were finally persuaded, by the
assurances of 'Az~du'l-ll~, to repair to the Bagh-i-Shah. On their
arrival there they had an interview with the Shah, but as they were
leaving several of them were arrested by the
+P203
Cossacks and detained. The M''~tamad-i-Xhaq~n, hc~ ever, succeedell in
effecting his escape, and hastened to the Asscmbly to inform the
Deputies of what had taken place. He described how they had at first
been well received by the Shah, but how, at the close of the interview,
as the Shah retired into his andardn, a bugle was blown and all but
himself (who hid behind the trees in the garden) were arrested; though
only three, as afterwards transpired, viz. Prince Jald:lu'd-Dawla, 'A
fa~u'd-Dawle and the Sara'ar-i-Mar~s~r were detained, and
subsequently exiled to F(ruzkuh
The Assembly had been engaged in endeavours to tranguillize the
people, to moderate the vehemence of the Press, the anjr~mans and the
public speakers, and to bring about an understanding with the Shah, and
a committee of twelve had been appointed that very day for this purpose.
The arrival of the M'tamad-i-Khdyan about sunset with this fresh news
of the Shah's treachery naturally caused the utmost
consternation and excitement, and Siyyid 'Abdu'llah and Siyyid Muhammad
at once wrote a letter to the Shah demanding the release of
the three captives.
Next day (June 6) the Shah continued to collect troops, and
seized all the telegraph-offices, which he placed under the
charge of the Mukhbiru'd-Dawla, so that the National Assembly was now
cut off from all communications with the proYinces. The Wasir-i-Akram,
who was the governor of Tihran, was dismissed and replaced by
Prince Mutayyidu'd-Dawla, an uncompromising reactionary. The Shah also
issued a manifesto in which he declared his intention
of "extirpating certain mischief-makers " in the country; and a few days
later the Director of the A'~yuman-i-Biradaran-i-Da?~ua'za-i-Qazzofn ("
Society of Brethren of the Qazw~n Gate"), M(rzi Sulayman Khan, who was
also Assistant Minister of War, was arrested on the charge
of supplying the supporters of the Constitution with arms from the
Arsenal, and was carried captive to the Bagh-i-Sh~h.
The Shah now established martial law, filled the town with Cossack
patrols, and put Colonel Liakhoff in command, besides disarming the
people as far as possible. On June ~ i he sent an officer and ,5
Cossacks to the Assembly with an ultimatum,
+P204
saying that unless the people assembled in the Mosque dispersed within
two hours, he would disperse them by force of arms, even if artillery
had to be employed for this purpose. The Emergency Committee (which
was practically the former Conciliation Committee, and consisted of the
same twelve persons) unanimously agreed that, in the
circumstances, their only course was to persuade the people to
disperse, and the President of the Assembly,
Mz~mtazm'd-Da-~la, the MustashdEnc'd-Dawh, and Siyyid
Taqi-zada accordingly proceeded to the Mosque, where some I0r000 people
were assembled' and advised them to depart to their homes. This at first
they refused to do, nor was Siyyid 'Abdu'llah, who
afterwards addressed them, more successful. Finally Taq{-z~da persualled
each of the any?~'nans to appoint one or two representatives to discuss
the matter, and at length he and his colleague and
fellow-townsman the Mustash~frn'd Dawla induced them to agree to
disperse. The people departed, weeping and sorrowful, and one man, Mahdf
" Gav-Kush" killed himself' declaring that he could not go back and face
his wife with the admission that, after all the brave show and brave
talk of past days, the Assembly was to be abandoned without
the National Volunteers striking a blow.
Next day (June ~ z) Taq[-zada and Hajji MIrza Ibrah~m succeeded in
somewhat reassuring the a~umans, but the Shah continued to make fresh
demands, and now required the expulsion from the capital of the
following eight persons: Mirza Jahangir Khan, the editor
of the 5~r-i-Israff7; Siyyid Muhammad Riza of Shlraz, the editor of the
Musa-`u~; the great Nationalist orators Alalikntl-Mutakallimfn and Aqa
Siyyid Jamal, both of Isfahan; Mtrza Dawud Kh~n; the Zall~s-Sult~n, a
cousin of the Shah, and a prominent officer of the National
Volunteers; Hajji Mirza Yabya Dawlatabadi; and MIrza 'Al'
Muhammad "Biradar." In addition to the expulsion of these leaders of
the popular party, the Shah demanded control of the Press and
disarmament of the people. These demands were the subject of protracted
negotiations, and all the while the Sh~h wasremoving arms and ammunition
as fast as he could from the town to his camp at Bagh-i-Shah
On or about June ~ 7 the shops were closed, and the
[qa Siyyid Jan~`lu'd-l)in of Isfahan
The Alalik~'l-M~laballimin ("King of Orators")
T.O. GREAT POPULAR ORATORS WHO WERE VICTIMS OF THE
COUP DETAT OF JUNE 23, 1908
+P205
merchants and guilds of craftsmen, accompanied by representatives of
other anJumans, sent a deputation to the Assembly asking that a
rallying-point, such as the Masjid-i-Jum'a, might be assigned to them,
and ultimately they were permitted to use the Sipahsalar
Mosque adjoining the Baharistan for this purpose, on condition that the
refugees should bring no arms with them. Thus during the day-time large
numbers of persons gathered again in the precincts of the
Baharistan and Mosque, but at night they returned to their homes,
leaving only their representatives and some hundred armed watchmen
supplied by the A?`J'`man-i-Mu.za~arI. Meanwhile riots broke out in most
of the provinces, especially at Rasht, Kirman, Isfahan and Tabriz. The
town last named appointed a Committee of Assistance, raised
a subscription, and telegraphed that they had deposed the Shah. Between
noon and sunset ~ 300 tumans (about .~60) was collected in Tabriz from
the poor, and next day, having collected ~o,000 ~ma'ns (~;z000)
they despatched 300 horsemen under the command of A:ashid~'l-M`~Ik to
Tihran to the aid of the Constitution. Amongst these volunteers were 50
men under the command of Sattar Khan and 50 men under the command of
Bagir Khan, the heroes of the later defence of Tabriz. Other towns
promised volunteers for the defence of the Constitution (e.g.
Isfahan promised 5000 men), but the Tabriz contingent was the only one
actually sent off.
During these days messengers kept constantly coming from the Shah to
the Maylis with fresh demands and impossible proposals, and
the M?`Jh~ruJs-Saltana was now the only Minister admitted to audience
with the Shah, while all representations from the Deputies were,
according to the account given by the
Mudabl~ir~c'l-Mu~z (Calcutta fla~olutl-Matin, September '~, igo8) at
once translated and sent to the Russian Legation. On the evening of lune
zz, however (the eve of the fatal day), messengers from
the Shah brought reassurances designed to lull the Constitutionalists
into a false security,and it was agreed betueen the two parties that
all the matters in dispute between the Shah and the people should be
referred to a mixed Committee of Daz~latis and Aliflat~s, i.e. Royalists
and lS ationalists. That night about 9 p.m. three of the Ministers,
San''n'd
+P206
Dazula (Finance), M2`sktr?`'d-Daz~la (Sciences and
Arts) and M?`'ta'~an~'l-M'`lk (Commorce), came to the Assembly and
announced that the Shah had accepted the proposal for a mixed
Committee. After about an hour's discussion the Assembly dispersed, it
being understood that in the morning some of the Shah's
representatives should come to the Assembly and settle all
necessary details. At midnight the Mus~ru's-Salte?'a, the Chief
Minister, sent a letter to the J~mtazu'd-Dawla, the President of the
Assembly, announcing that the Shah had accepted all their proE,osaLs.
For the first time for more than three weeks anxiety was sensibly
relieved and the prospects of a reconciliation seemed brighter.
Early on the morning of the fatal z3rd of June a number of
Cossacks entered the court-yard of the Sipahsalar College' but
the ~fa~zJecJ~ls, or Nationalist riflemen, induced them by
friendly persuasion and exhortations to withdraw, whereupon the doors
were closed. At this time the Baharistan and Mosque were surrounded by
some ~000 Cossacks and soldiers, while the street was also full of
troops, and passage was interdicted. The eight persons whose
expulsion had been demanded by the Shah were in refuge in a room
adjoining the Assembly. News of ~hat was taking place was telephoned to
the '~la~ne and deputies, and the President of the
Assembly, M?vmtazn'a'-Dawla, MIrza Muhammad $adiq, editor of the J[ajlis
newspaper, and three of the chief '~ciama', viz. the Imam-Jum'a of Khuy,
Siyyid Muhammad Tabataba'i and Siyyid 'Abdu'llah Bahbahan[, at once
hastened to the scene and were admitted. Siyyid Taqi-zada was indisposed
and did not come until later, when he was unable
to obtain admittance. At first all who wished were allowed by the
Cossacks to enter, but none to come out; but afterwards both entrance
and exit were stopped.
Siyyid 'Abdu'llah Babbahani and the M'c?nta'z~c'd-Da-wla now sent for
the Persian officer in command of the Cossacks assembled
outside the Baharistan, a man named Qasim ~qd, and asked him what they
wanted. He replied that they were ordered to disperse the
people. They then undertook to persuade them to disperse voluntarily,
but the o~cer refused to listen to them. At this juncture (about an hour
after sunrise)
+P207
Colonel Liakhoff, accompanied by six other Russian officers, drove up
to the Bahiristan in a carriage, inspected the ground, divided and
disposed his troops, and placed six guns in six
different positions. Siyyid 'Abdu'lldh sent a message to the
Colonel requesting speech with him, but was met by a refusal. Some of
the National Volunteers asked permission to shoot Colonel Liakhoff, who
had now mounted his horse, but were forbidden to do so, lest this should
afford a pretext for Russian intervention. I?or the same
reason Shapshal Khin, who was prominent, ``as allowed to escape without
scathe or hurt.
Colonei Liakhoff now re-entered his carriage and drove away to the
Khiyaban-i-Zillu's-Sultan, and as he passed the rooms of
the An?umar-i-Aearb~yjen, the guns, under the direction of the
other Russian officers, opened fire on the Mosque and Baharistan.
Thereupon some fifty foot-soldiers, who were drawn up in front of the
buildings just named, stripped off their red coats, handed over their
rifles to the defenders of the Ma~4s, and, unarmed, entered
the Nationalist garrison. Many of the mounted Cossacks also fled, but
the llussian officers snatched their rifles from them and shot several
of the fugitives, whereupon the rest reformed and opened fire, killing
about a dozen of the Nationalist Volunteers (T~fang-~rs) at the first
volley. Just before this volley one Cossack wheeled and manccuvred his
horse in front of the A~?4man-i-~zarbay.~a'''' and discharged several
shots from his rifle.
Hitherto the Nationalists had refrained from firing, and indeed there
were not many more than a hundred of them provided with guns and from
50 to too cartridges apiece, but of these they no`v made good use, and
succeeded in putting out of action three of the six pieces of artillery
which had been set up to bombard the Parliament. A gallant attempt was
also made by the A?~,i~cman-i-Mzczaffaffand the
~4?~,iuman i Aza?a;yni' to capture the other guns, but they were
driven back by reinforcements of (:ossacks. The gun which did most
damage to thom was to the north, in the Khiyaban-i-Darwaza-i-Shimran.
In spite of the shrapnel poured in on the defenders, however, the
resistance was continued for seven or eight hours, until finally the two
buildings which had for the best part of two years been
+P208
the centre of the Nation's hopes, and the focus of the new spirit which
had stirred the dry bolles of a seemingly dead people to new life, the
Baharistin and the Sipahsalar Mosque, were reduced to ruins, and the
defenders either slain, taken captive, or put to tDight. The numl~er of
the killed on either side is unl~nown. Of the leaders of the people,
Siyyid Taqi-z~da, the M~'~id2''s-Saita?`a and some thirty or forty
others succeeded in reaching the shelter of the
British Legation, which, however, was instructed to admit only such
fugitives as were in danger of their lives. The eight Nationalists whose
expulsion the Shah had previously demanded, and who had taken refuge in
the Sipahsildr College (see p. zo4, supra), fled to the house of the
A,nf7~n'd-Dawla, ~vhich was close at hand, but this traitor at once
telephoned news of their arrival to the
Cossack headquarters, and soldiers were immediately sent to arrest them.
One, H;ijj{ Mirza Ibrahim, was killed while resisting the
soldiers' attempt to strip him, and the others were taken to the Shah's
camp at Bagh-i-Shah, where next day Mirza Jahingir
Khan and the Mal~''l-Mum{`zIlim~ were strangled. The
Shah's cousin, Prince Zah~'r~c's-Sz~l~a'', was also led out for
execution, but was spared at the last moment, owing, it was said, to the
~leclaration of his mother, the sister of the late
Muzaffaru'd-Din Shah, that she would kill herself if her son were put
to death. After ~oeing cross-examined, he was finally released and
allowed to go to Europel. Of the remaining four, Siyyid Muhammad Riza
succeeded in escaping, and wandered about, enduring extreme hardships
from hunger and exposure, in Mazandaran and GIlAn, but ultimately had
the good fortune to reach a place of safety. ~4qa Siyyid Jamal also
escaped from Tihrin, but is believed to have been captured in disguise
near Hamadin and put to death. The hf~cstasMrn'd-Da-`vCa, the honest
and fearless Tabriz deputy, and Prince Yahya Mtrza~ long lay in
chains and captivity at the Bagh-i-Shah, with many other
1. He paid me a visit at Cambridge on November ~o, 1908. s Yabya Mirza,
arter several weeks' captivity in the Bagh-i-Shah, was at length
released, and lived to be re-elected a member of the new Alaj~l, but he
died shortly after it was opened (in the latter half of 1900), as a
result of his sufferings during his confinement.
Mirza Jahangir Khin of Shir~z
Editor of the $~-i-llrdia
Uajji Mirza Ibr~him Ag'
Deputy for Tabriz
VICTIMS OF THE COUP D'ETAT OF JUNE 23, 1908
+P209
prisoners, of whom the {ollowing twenty-two are included in a
photograph in my possession dated Jumada'l-ula 23, A.H. 1326 (=July 4,
~go81: (~) lKasirn'l-MaJnalik, brother-in-law of
the SaMr~'d-Dazvia; (z) .Hish~nat-i-AJi~m; (3) Mashhadf Baqir of Tabriz;
(4) Mirza Muhammad 'All Khan, editor of the Taraqqf;
(5) Muhammad Shar~f, partner of No. to; (6) Ibrah~m Tabbal;
(7) Faraju'llah the tobacconist; (8) Shaykh Ibrah~m; (g) Mirza Husayn;
( ~ o) Sult~nu'l-'uCamd, editor of the filiAzu'l-Qudus, which
was suspended for publishing a strong article against the Shahl; (l~)
Shaykh 'Al! Qazi-i-Qazw(n{, judge of the Supreme Court, one of the few
survivors out of Siyyid Jamalu'd-DIn's chosen band of
twelve disciples'; (I~) M(rza Muhammad 'All' son of
the Malil'~'l-M?'telallimfn who was strangled, as already mcntioned;
(~3) Mirza 'All Akbar Khan, of the Supreme Court; (~4) M[rza 'Ah Akbar,
brother of No. I ~; ( i S) HajJi Muhammad Taq(, a Deputy; (~6) 'Al; Beg,
servant of the Mustesf~r'~'dDatula; (17) Hajji Khan, the tailor; (~8)
Shaykh Ibr~him of Talaqan; (~9) Aqa Buzurg Khan; (zo) Yabya M[rza,
editor of the ~qz~r; (~ ~ ) Mirza Dawud Khan, the partner of Mirza
Jahangir Khan who was strangled; and (zz) Natib Baqir Khan, the
door-keeper of the National Assembly'.
For several successive days the houses of persons obnoxious to the
Shah, including his uncle the Prince Zillzc's-Sulten, and
his cousin Prince J~lu'd-Dawla (son of him last mentioned)
and the .Zahiru'd-Oawla (uncle by marriage to the Shah, father
of the Zalfr&`'s-Snita?', and at this time governor of Rasht), were
bombarded and looted by the soldiers, and priceless manuscripts and
objects of art fell into the hands of Colonel Liakhoff and his
myrmidons. The Baharistan and adjoining Sipahsalar MosquF, were reduced
to ruins, and all the precious records of the National Assembly
destroyed. Colonel LiakhoR was appointed military governor of Tibran,
which he placed under martial law. He surrounded the British Legation
with his
See pp. 156-161, s~pra. ~ See p. ~o, supra.
In the photograph, which is reproduced as a picture post-card
with Persian inscriptions, the captives are arranged in two rows of
eleven each, one standing, the other kneeling, all in chains and nearly
all bare-headed. The numbers (added in the post-card) run from right to
left, Nos. r-'I being in the upper and Nos. ',-~' in
the louer row.
+P210
Cossacks to prevent more fugitives from gaining its shelter, though
these were removed a few flays later in defcrcncc tc, llritish
protests, and the Persia~z Minister for Foreign Affairs,
A~'zi's-Saltana, lately Persian Minister in London, was compelled to
offer to the British Charge d'Affaires a formal apology which would more
aptly have come from Colonel Liakhoff or whatever RuSSZ'a?Z
authority controlled his actions. Other disagreeable incidents
occurred significant of the hostility felt by the Court party and its
Russian aiders and abettors towards the English representatives, who,
if they had finally left the (:onstitutionalists in the lurch, had none
the less, by the support which they gave them in the summer of L906,
earned the hearty dislike and cordial mistrust of the reactionaries. An
affray, which might have had fatal results, took place between some
Cossacks and the Indian s'~wa'rs who constitute the guard of the
llritish Legation, but news of this was prevented from appearing in most
of the E?:nglish papers except (I think) the Da~ly Telegra~b, lest t'ne
" entente " should be damaged, and in this case Colonel Liakhoff was
obliged to apologize, while the Cossacks who took part in the affray
were punished. The following proclamation, ori~inally issued and posted
up all over Tihran in Colonel 'Liakhoff's name, was also, in deference
to British susceptibilities, and the desire to maslc in some degree the
active part played by Russian agents in the co'~p a{itat, replaced in
a few days t~y another signed by a dummy Persian governor
nominated aa'Izac, though Colonel Liakhoff remained practically dictator
of Tihrin until the entrance of the Nationalist army on July ~6, ~909.
The text of the proclamation mentioned above, translated from
the weekly Calcutta Haf'h4'1-Mai{'z of liamazan 2, A.H. 1326 (tieptember
28, ~908), pp. 8 et seqq., is as follows:-
"PROCLAMATION.
"Agreeably to the Command of His Royal and Imperial Ma~esty (may our
lives be his sacrifice!) and for the assurance of public security and
the due enforcemeut of the laws regulating the internal order of the
city of Tihran, I announce for
Celebratiolls at the grave of 'Abbes ,iqa l~e fortielh cl;;y afler hii
~lc:lll~ (Occ. G, '')o;). .Cicc~ p ';~
Constitutionalists in chains at the 13agh~i-Sh;ih
aner tbe Co'/p ~/~rZ o~ R~'le 23, IgOS. Ficc p. 209
+P211
the information of the public the matters hereinafter mentioned,
together urith the necessary general regulations which have been
enacted. "(~) The regulation of all the affairs and dispositions of
the Capital is entrusted to the Officers and Cossacks of His
Imperial Majesty's Brigade, the Gendarmerie, the regiments of Khalaj
and Zarand, and the Police of the Department of l'ublic Security. Any
persons tranagressing the commands of the Law herein set forth, or
failing in obedience thereto, will be prosecuted and punished with the
utmost rigour. Persons suffering from tyranny or oppression of any kind
are hereby permitted and empowered to submit their complaints and
appeals to this Office, or to lay them before me personally.
"(3) Offenders proved guilty of acts of tyranny and oppression
towards such complainants will be summarily punished, and the wrongs
suffered by the latter will be righted, under the supervision of an
Officer nomh~ated by the Government. In cases of theft, assault, or
contumacy, the victims of such acts must, on their occurrence, notify
the Officer in command at the nearest guardhouse.
"(4) The prices of bread and meat must remain at the present rate.
Should the normal price be raised, those responsible for such rise will
be fined a sum of money double the amount of the difference between the
normal price and the raised price at which they haYe sold.
"(5) Assemblies in the streets or open spaces of the city
exceeding five persons, whether assembled to watch streetperformances
or to listen to speeches, will be dispersed by armed force.
"(6) Persons engaged in the sale of hre-arms or their appurtenances
are hereby warned that from this date onwards they are
rigorously prohibited from selling such to anyone without my
permission. Permission to sell arms to persons who are in need o[ them
will be granted by me only.
"(7) Seeing that the discharge of fire-arms in the to~vn may give rise
to the idea of some disturbance, [should such occur] a number of
Cossacks will at once be despatched to that
+P212
place to put down the disturbance. If a gun be discharged by
mistake, the offender will bc i~prisoned for a definite period.
If a gun be fired at a thief by nightl some of the Cossacks who
are guarding the city will be detailed to entr-r the house and
make the necessary investigations. Persons deliberately and
wilfully discharging fire-arms will, when captured, be punished
with the utmost rigour.
"~8) Should a gun be discharged from any house in the
streets or quarters of the city in the direction of any street or place
patrolled by the soldiers, who will be constantly on the
move, that house will be destroyed and reduced to ruins by
~artillery and musketry, shoulcl it be clearly and certainly proved that
ulterior motives prompted such discharge. In such cases
the house will be destroyed and reduced to ruins with guns and
cannons.
"(9) Persons who have been in the habit of depositing in
~the streets and thoroughfares loads of straw, fire-wood, planks and the
like, are strictly forbidden to commit such acts in the
~future.
"('o) Carriages and droshkies must stand one behind the
,other on the right-hand side of the street. Shoulcl any dispute be
witnessed between the drivers, they will be punished.
- "~) The duty of scavenging, watering and keeping in
order the streets and thoroughfares is incumbent on the owners
or tenants of the adjacent houses.
"(~z) I desire all the inhabitants of Tihran to assist me in
supervising all matters connected with the maintenance of order
in the city.
[Signed] Palkonik Colonel) LIAKHOFF,
Officer in command of the mounted Cossack
Brigade ot His Imperial Majesty (may our
lives be his sacrifice!)."1
In spite of its specious form, the stringency of this proclamation
su~lciently accounts for the paralysis of all further
activity (at any rate open activity) on the part of the
Constitutionalists at Tihran for the next twelve months, since
1. Compare the translation of this document given at p. 159
of the Blue Book on Persia [Cd. 45811; (Inclosure ~ in No. Irl.)
Colonel V. Lial~lloff
+P213
the right of meeting and free speech was effectually removed, the free
press was destroyed, and the possession of arms or materials for th~
construction of barricades was rendered impossible.
Behold, then, Tihran prostrate beneath the iron heel of Colonel
Liakhoff and his Cossacks, despotism once more triumphant,
the young Constitution crushed, the Press gagged, the popular
leaders either violently slain (like M;rza Jahangfr Khan, the
editor of the );rrr-i-Israfff, the great orator Malik~'lM'rtaka~s~rin,
and Hajji Mirzi Ibrah~m), or in chains at the Bagh-i-Shah (like those
enumerated at p. ~og sr~pra), or fugitives in the forests of
Mazandaran (like Siyyid Muhammad Riza, the editor of the Mnsa7`Ja'),
or refugees at the British Legation (like Siyyid Taq{-zada). For the
time being all hope o,' freedom and better government in Persia seemed
to be at an end.
The prominent part taken in these events by Colonel Liakhoff and the
other Russian officers of the Shah's Cossack Brigade naturally gave rise
to much criticism in European circles. The official defence, put forward
on numerous occasions by Sir Edward &rey in the House of Commons, and
reiterated by the l~ih~res, was that Colonel Liakhoff being in the
Shah's service, no responsibility for his actions lay on the Russian
Government. As, however, when it was suggested to M. Izvolsky by Sir
Arthur Nicholson, the British Ambassador at St
Petersburg, on November 9, ~908, that these Russian officers "might be
withdrawn for a time by their Government ' this suggestion was declined,
not on the ground that the Russian Government could not recall them, but
that, in the existing circumstances, it would be " hazardous " to recall
them', this contention can hardly be maintained, even if no credence be
attached to the remarkable statements of M. Panoff, who, in the latter
part of ~cp8, acted for a time as correspondent of
the well-known Liberal Russian journal Ryech, and concerning
whom, and whose "revelations," sometlling must now be said.
M. Panoff, who wrote under the ?lOh?, de~`erse of "Tane," was by birth
a Bulgarian, and is thus described by an observant
See the Blue Book on Persia (No. ?, 1909: Cd. 4j8~), Nos. 299 and 3os,
pp. aos and 200'.
+P214
English resident at St Petersburg who met him there after his
expulsion from Persia. " My personal impression of Panoff was not
unfavourable. He was clearly something of an adventurer, a man of action
and not a man of books, but it seemed to me that this was rather an
advantage for a correspondent in the present situation in Persia. He
had had an adventurous past; had been a bandsman in Macedonia: his
father had died in a Turkish prison, and his brother and sister had been
killed by the Turks in prison. Sorne of his statements on Persia were
crude, and in his lecture in the Women's Club he certainly overdid the
sensational side. Yet, so far as I could test his st